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With UN peacekeepers increasingly deployed in areas experiencing local-level conflicts that do not involve state forces, responding to communal violence has become an acute challenge for missions. Such contexts require peace operations to adopt a dialogue-based approach to the protection of civilians (POC), focused specifically on local political solutions. 

This issue brief examines the engagement of the UN mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) in the town of Batangafo, where communal violence between Christian and Muslim communities has been pervasive. It highlights how MINUSCA’s dialogue-based engagement helped reduce violence and strengthen local peace agreements. It identifies four lessons: 

• Protecting civilians in the context of communal conflict requires political solutions—not just military ones.
• Continuous and proactive dialogue helps to prevent escalation and reinforce peace agreements. 
• Economic incentives can be leveraged to encourage armed groups to commit to peace. 
• Sustainable protection depends on aligning local and national peace processes. 

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The post Political Solutions to Political Problems: UN Peacekeeping Operations and Dialogue-Based Protection of Civilians in Communal Conflicts appeared first on International Peace Institute.

UN peacekeeping missions are often criticized for failing to act when civilians are under threat. Yet recent empirical evidence suggests that peacekeepers can and do respond to violence by adjusting where and how they deploy forces in the field. This issue brief examines patterns of subnational deployment across African missions from 2012 to 2022, focusing on whether and how missions with protection of civilians (POC) mandates adjust their military presence in response to attacks on civilians. The findings indicate that peacekeeping missions are more likely to strengthen their presence in areas experiencing recent violence—especially violence perpetrated by non-state armed groups—but also respond to state-led violence, albeit less consistently. This responsiveness highlights the operational flexibility some missions can exercise and challenges the assumption that host-state consent fully constrains the implementation of POC mandates. The brief also underscores the need to assess peacekeepers’ behavior not only in terms of mandate design but also in terms of how missions adapt on the ground. 

The brief concludes with important considerations for peacekeeping stakeholders committed to POC: 

• Missions are often actively protecting civilians, with operational flexibility as a key ingredient.
• Host-state consent can constrain action, but missions can still act decisively; sustaining political consensus on POC is crucial. 
• Mandates and planning frameworks must allow dynamic deployments so missions can adapt to evolving threats. 

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The post Being Present Where It Counts: Peacekeeping Responsiveness to Violence against Civilians appeared first on International Peace Institute.

Csaknem százra nőtt a palesztin halálos áldozatok száma a Gázaváros elleni izraeli hadműveletnek annak második napján - közölte szerdán a Hamász felügyelete alatt álló gázai egészségügyi minisztérium.

2016 trifft Thomas Rüfenacht mit dem SC Bern im Final auf den HC Lugano. Im zweiten Spiel gelingt der SCB-Legende das entscheidende Tor. Danach ist die Hölle los.

Folge 25 im Podcast «SCHLIIFTS?» – zu Gast bei Dino Kessler und Raphael Walser ist SCB-Legende Thomas Rüfenacht. Er spricht über sein kaputtes Knie. «Vielleicht gebe ich noch mein Comeback», scherzt er.

Im Eishockey-Podcast «SCHLIIFTS?» gibts was zu gewinnen: Sechs Tickets für die SCB-Fanbank für die Partie Bern gegen Fribourg am 30. September – inklusive Konsumationsgutschein! Jetzt reinhören, mitspielen und gewinnen.

2019 verliert Thomas Rüfenacht seinen Vater. Die SCB-Legende blickt im Podcast «SCHLIIFTS?» an die traurige Zeit zurück.

Nach einer Nacht-und-Nebel-Aktion kommt es für Thomas Rüfenacht zum Probetraining bei Ambri. Und dort kommt es für ihn zu einem schmerzhaften Zusammenprall.

‎ Le Programme des Nations unies pour le développement (PNUD), en partenariat avec les gouvernements du Bénin, du Burkina Faso, de la Côte d'Ivoire, du Ghana et du Togo, organise à Cotonou un Dialogue régional sur les architectures de paix, les 18 et 19 septembre 2025.
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‎La rencontre de Cotonou représente une étape clé pour « renforcer la paix, la stabilité et la résilience » , « face à la montée des menaces transnationales dans le Golfe de Guinée », selon un communiqué du PNUD.
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‎Les chiffres donnent la mesure des défis. Selon l'Indice mondial du terrorisme 2025, le Sahel a concentré 51 % des décès dus au terrorisme en 2024, soit deux fois plus qu'en 2019. À cela s'ajoutent plus de 4,3 millions de personnes déplacées de force, des tensions socio-économiques croissantes, la pauvreté, le chômage des jeunes et les inégalités.
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‎Pour le Golfe de Guinée, les menaces s'accumulent : expansion des groupes extrémistes depuis le Sahel, prolifération des marchés illicites, déplacements forcés et effets du changement climatique. Ces dynamiques fragilisent les communautés locales et mettent à l'épreuve les mécanismes nationaux de paix, « souvent isolés et sous-financés », note encore le communiqué.
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‎Responsables gouvernementaux, experts régionaux, universitaires, représentants de la société civile, leaders communautaires et religieux, ainsi que des groupes de femmes et de jeunes prendront part aux échanges. Le dialogue vise à « promouvoir l'engagement (…) à collaborer dans le sens d'une réponse collective et intégrée pour prévenir les conflits et renforcer la stabilité régionale ».
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‎Ce dialogue s'inscrit dans le cadre de la Facilité de prévention pour le Golfe de Guinée, soutenue par le PNUD et des partenaires tels que le Japon, le Danemark, le Luxembourg et la Corée du Sud. L'initiative vise à renforcer les réponses régionales aux défis de l'extrémisme violent, de la criminalité transnationale organisée, de la piraterie maritime et des trafics illicites.
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‎Vers une feuille de route commune
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‎Au terme des deux jours de travaux, les participants devront aboutir à une compréhension partagée des défis, à des recommandations concrètes pour améliorer les mécanismes d'alerte précoce et à « un projet de feuille de route régionale pour la paix durable et le développement en Afrique de l'Ouest ».
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Die russisch-nordkoreanische Zusammenarbeit entpuppt sich zunehmend als ungleiche Partnerschaft. Trotz umfangreicher Waffenlieferungen erhält Pjöngjang wenig Gegenleistungen von Moskau. Experten sehen Kim Jong Un als Verlierer des Bündnisses.

In today's edition: Anti-vax MEP, EU-India ties, clinical trials

Oktatásügyi törvényjavaslatokat vitat meg csütörtökön a parlament. Drucker összesen hét törvénytervezetet terjeszt elő.

MADRID — L’ancien chef de la diplomatie de l’UE, Josep Borrell, a qualifié les sanctions proposées par la Commission européenne contre Israël de « plaisanterie ». Interrogé à ce sujet mercredi 17 septembre sur la chaîne publique espagnole RTVE, il a estimé que ces mesures arrivaient « avec 40 000 morts de retard ».

The post Josep Borrell qualifie les sanctions proposées par l’UE contre Israël de « plaisanterie » appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Szerdán este második olvasatba utalta a parlament a konszolidációs csomagot. Az ellenzéki képviselők az intézkedések ellen tiltakozva a szavazás előtt kivonultak az ülésteremből.

The opening session of the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, 4 September 1995. UN Photo/Milton Grant. The UN marks 30 years since its members adopted the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action.

By S. Mona Sinha
NEW YORK, Sep 18 2025 (IPS)

On Monday, three decades on from the historic Fourth World Conference on Women, the General Assembly meets to discuss recommitting to, resourcing, and accelerating the implementation of the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action – an historic agreement which mapped the path to achieving gender equality and the empowerment of all women and girls.

This is a critical moment because, despite the considerable progress that’s been made, it is a sobering fact that not a single country has yet fully delivered against those aims. And with reactionary attitudes increasingly to the fore, many of these hard-won gains are, alarmingly, under threat of reversal.

Even where the heart is willing, the slow pace or absence of change is more often than not put down to budgetary or political barriers. Gender equality is important, just not important enough. We have other problems to fix. We’ll get back to it.

But this is incredibly short-sighted.

While achieving gender equality is first and foremost a matter of human rights, it is also one of the surest ways to help address those other problems, leading to more prosperous economies, more resilient communities, and more sustainable, peaceful societies.

This is not just a matter of opinion. The evidence is clear.

Closing gender gaps in education, employment and pay would unleash an unprecedented wave of productivity. In 2015, McKinsey Global Institute (MGI) estimated that equal participation of women in the workforce could add up to $12 trillion to global GDP within 10 years.

That’s more than the economies of Japan, Germany and the UK combined and would have already been achieved if we had acted on it in 2015.

The logic is simple: excluding half of the population from opportunities to explore and achieve their full potential is an extraordinary waste. When women are able to contribute equally, innovation flourishes, productivity rises and household incomes grow. Far from being a drag on resources, equality is a growth multiplier.

Moreover, women’s earnings are more likely to be invested in children’s health, nutrition, and education, breaking intergenerational cycles of poverty. And in agriculture, where women make up nearly half the global workforce, the FAO estimates equal access to resources could boost crop yields by up to 30% and reduce the number of hungry people by more than 100 million.

Perhaps for these reasons, research has shown that the treatment of women is one of the strongest predictors of whether a country is peaceful. Where women’s rights are respected, societies are more stable, less prone to conflict, and more open to cooperation.

Women’s participation in peace processes matters too. Agreements brokered with women at the table are more durable, more inclusive, and more likely to succeed. We have the proof of that as well.

And then there’s the environment. Women and girls, especially in developing countries, are disproportionately affected by climate change. But it’s also true that when included in decision-making, they bring difference-making knowledge and perspectives to the table.

Indeed, a 2019 study in Global Environmental Change showed that countries with more women in parliament adopt more ambitious climate policies and have lower carbon emissions.

Meanwhile, women-led community programmes in forestry and water management have consistently delivered stronger conservation outcomes. In other words, tackling the climate crisis is not only about technology and finance – it’s also about representation.

Taken together, it’s clear that equality drives prosperity, resilience, peace and sustainability. To deny women equal rights and opportunities is not simply unjust, it’s an act of societal self-sabotage.

At Equality Now, we lead the way in driving the legal and systemic change needed to realise this vision of a just and better world. Since our inception in 1992 we have worked with governments, legal bodies, civil society and other partners to help reform 130 discriminatory laws, improving the lives of millions of women and girls, their communities and nations, both now and for generations to come.

We were in Beijing in 1995, and we’ll be in New York this week – where to all in attendance our message is clear:

The world cannot afford to wait. Everyone needs equality now.

S. Mona Sinha is Global Executive Director, Equality Now

IPS UN Bureau

 

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The nominees for this year’s Prize will be presented by the political groups in a joint meeting of the Committees on Foreign Affairs (AFET) and on Development (DEVE) and the Subcommittee on Human Rights (DROI) in Brussels on 23 September, 14:30-15:30. Each year, the Parliament awards the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought to honour exceptional individuals and organisations defending human rights and fundamental freedoms.
In 2024, the Prize was awarded to María Corina Machado, leader of the democratic forces in Venezuela, and President-elect Edmundo González Urrutia.The AFET and DEVE Committees will vote on a shortlist of three finalists on 16 October and the Conference of Presidents will take a decision on the final laureate on 22 October.
Sakharov Prize - Presentation of the nominees - Webstreaming link
Sakharov Prize website
Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

On Monday, 22 September 2025 in room Spaak 3C50 (16:00-17:30), the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) will hold a public hearing on promoting an EU feminist foreign policy. This hearing brings together Margot Wallström, who launched the world's first feminist foreign policy in 2014 when she was Foreign Minister of Sweden, and Aude Maio-Coliche, the EU Ambassador for Equality, to discuss how an EU feminist foreign policy could take shape and what the EU is currently doing in this field.
A Feminist Foreign Policy is an approach that puts gender equality at the centre of foreign policy and highlights resources, representation and rights. The hearing aims to assess the current level of ambition and implementation of the EU's foreign policy as regards gender equality, and provide inspiration and concrete examples for continued work in this area.
Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Des pilotes, des professionnels de santé, des enseignants et même un employé des services secrets font partie des personnes qui ont été suspendues ou licenciées pour avoir publié des messages sur les réseaux sociaux à propos du décès de Kirk.

The veteran Socialist politician has been one of the most outspoken European figures on the humanitarian cost of the Gaza war

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Sep 18 2025 (IPS)

When the high-level meeting of the General Assembly takes place, September 22-30—with over 150 world political leaders in town–the UN will be in a locked down mode with extra tight security.

With a rash of threats and political killings in the US—including an attempted assassination of Donald Trump when he was campaigning for the US presidency in July 2024– the list continues.

Against the backdrop of the killing of a conservative activist Charlie Kirk last week, plus the fire-bombing in early 2025, of the residence of Governor Josh Shapiro in Pennsylvania, and the killings of Minnesota state lawmaker Melissa Hortman and her husband– the UN is predictably taking extra precautionary measures.

Asked at a press conference September 15 about security in the wake of recent events in the United States, UN Spokesperson Stephane Dujarric told reporters: “The security within the UN complex during the General Assembly sessions is as tight, as it can be”.

“We are obviously in close contact with the host country authorities, the US Secret Service, the State Department, and, of course, the NYPD (New York Police Department). They will take the measures they need to take outside”.

Traditionally, diplomats and delegates, do not undergo security checks or walk through metal detectors inside the UN building.

Asked whether there will be new restrictions this year, Dujarric said: “I don’t know”.

The limits on the movements of accredited journalists during the high-level meetings were spelled out September 17 by the UN’s Media Accreditation and Liaison Unit (MALU). The link follows:
https://www.un.org/en/media/accreditation/unga.shtml

Accredited media representatives, including official photographers and videographers, must be escorted by Media Accreditation and Liaison Unit staff at all times in the restricted areas, including the Conference Building and General Assembly Building.

Media pass holders are NOT permitted on the second floor of the Conference Building or General Assembly Building.

But going down memory lane, there were several lapses in security in a bygone era, resulting in a bazooka terrorist attack against the Secretariat building back in 1964—and the only such attack in the history of the UN.

But last year, the UN security, conscious on the high-tech weapons now deployed in military conflicts, had a sign outside the building declaring the UN a “NO DRONE ZONE.”

Ernesto “Che” Guevara, Minister of Industries of Cuba, addresses the General Assembly on Dec. 11, 1964. Credit: UN Photo/TC

The streets next week – as in previous years — will be littered with scores of police officers, US Secret Service personnel, UN security officers, the New York Police Department (NYPD), bomb-sniffing dogs, road closures — and a stand-by ambulance in the UN campus ready to cope with any medical emergencies.

In previous years, the Secret Service also had an official chaplain ready to perform last rites in case of any political assassinations in the UN premises.

Meanwhile, hundreds of UN staffers and journalists are double and triple-checked for their photo IDs, reminiscent of security at the Pentagon and the CIA headquarters (where a visitor ID is geared to automatically change colour, if you overstay your visit).

Still, back in 1964, perhaps with relatively less security, the UN building came under a terrorist attack — perhaps for the first time in the history of the world body — from a mis-guided rocket launcher.

When the politically-charismatic Ernesto Che Guevara, once second-in-command to Cuban leader Fidel Castro, was at the United Nations to address the General Assembly sessions in 1964, the U.N. headquarters came under fire – literally.

The speech by the Argentine-born Marxist revolutionary was momentarily drowned by the sound of an explosion.

The anti-Castro forces in the United States, backed by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), had mounted an insidious campaign to stop Che Guevara from speaking.

A 3.5-inch bazooka was fired at the 39-storeyed Secretariat building by the East River while a boisterous anti-Castro, anti-Che Guevara demonstration was taking place outside the UN building.

According to Wikipedia, the bazooka is the common name for a man-portable recoilless anti-tank rocket launcher, widely deployed by the US army, especially during World War II.

But the rocket launcher – which was apparently not as sophisticated as today’s shoulder-fired missiles and rocket-propelled grenades – missed its target, rattled windows, and fell into the river about 200 yards from the building.

One newspaper report described the attack as “one of the wildest episodes since the United Nations moved into its East River headquarters in 1952.”

As longtime U.N. staffers would recall, the failed bombing of the U.N. building took place when Che Guevara launched a blistering attack on U.S. foreign policy and denounced a proposed de-nuclearization pact for the Western hemisphere.

After his Assembly speech, Che Guevara was asked about the attack aimed at him. “The explosion has given the whole thing more flavor,” he joked, as he chomped on his Cuban cigar, during a press conference.

When he was told by a reporter that the New York City police had nabbed a woman, described as an anti-Castro Cuban exile, who had pulled out a hunting knife and jumped over the UN wall, intending to kill him, Che Guevara said: “It is better to be killed by a woman with a knife than by a man with a gun.”

A security officer once recalled an incident where the prime minister from an African country, addressing the General Assembly, was heckled by a group of African students.

As is usual with hecklers, the boisterous group was taken off the visitor’s gallery, grilled, photographer and banned from entering the UN premises.

But about five years later, one of the hecklers returned to the UN —this time, as foreign minister of his country, and addressed the world body.

Meanwhile, Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister ACS Hameed had one of his memorable moments when Krishna Vaikunthavasan, a London-based lawyer, campaigning for a separate Tamil state, surreptitiously gate-crashed into the UN and tried to upstage Hameed by walking onto the podium of the General Assembly hall and momentarily took the speaker’s slot—at a time when security was lax.

The incident, perhaps a rarity in the history of the UN, saw the intruder unleashing a diatribe against a member state accusing it of genocide and lambasting the government for committing war crimes against the Tamils fighting for a separate state in northern Sri Lanka.

When the president of the Assembly realized he had an interloper on his hands, he cut off the mike and summoned security guards who bodily ejected him from the hall and banned him from the UN premises. And as Hameed walked up to the podium, there was pin drop silence in the Assembly Hall.

As a member of the Sri Lanka delegation at that time, I was seated behind Hameed. But the unflappable Hameed, unprompted by any of his delegates, produced a riveting punchline: “Mr President”, he said “I want to thank the previous speaker for keeping his speech short,” he said, as the Assembly, known to suffer longwinded speeches, broke into peals of laughter.

The intruder was in effect upstaged by the Foreign Minister.

This article includes excerpts from a book on the United Nations titled “No Comment – and Don’t Quote Me on That” authored by Thalif Deen and available on Amazon. The link to Amazon via the author’s website follows: https://www.rodericgrigson.com/no-comment-by-thalif-deen/

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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