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This paper investigates the impact of aid for trade (AfT) targeted at trade policies on the participation of recipient countries in global value chains (GVCs), and how this impact varies with their prevailing political regimes. In democratic countries, the need for the authorities to account for the interests of various stakeholders (e.g., lobbies, trade unions) can compromise the allocation, use, and effectiveness of AfT. In contrast, less democratic regimes are typically more insulated from political pressures, which may lead to more effective outcomes of aid. At the same time, integration into some complex GVCs requires efficient and democratic institutions, to which these products are sensitive. Employing a sample of 110 countries and data covering 2002-2018, we control for standard determinants of GVC participation, while examining the effect of AfT and the moderating role of the political regime in place. Our estimation addresses the endogeneity of aid through an appropriate instrumentation strategy. Our results suggest that the effect of AfT is mostly positive in autocratic regimes, indicating more effective trade policy reforms. When we account for regional disparities, we find evidence that AfT for trade policy is also impactful in some democratic regimes. This might suggest that the efficacy of AfT is not strictly regime-dependent, but hinges on the government’s commitment to carry out significant reforms leading to greater participation in the global economy.

This paper investigates the impact of aid for trade (AfT) targeted at trade policies on the participation of recipient countries in global value chains (GVCs), and how this impact varies with their prevailing political regimes. In democratic countries, the need for the authorities to account for the interests of various stakeholders (e.g., lobbies, trade unions) can compromise the allocation, use, and effectiveness of AfT. In contrast, less democratic regimes are typically more insulated from political pressures, which may lead to more effective outcomes of aid. At the same time, integration into some complex GVCs requires efficient and democratic institutions, to which these products are sensitive. Employing a sample of 110 countries and data covering 2002-2018, we control for standard determinants of GVC participation, while examining the effect of AfT and the moderating role of the political regime in place. Our estimation addresses the endogeneity of aid through an appropriate instrumentation strategy. Our results suggest that the effect of AfT is mostly positive in autocratic regimes, indicating more effective trade policy reforms. When we account for regional disparities, we find evidence that AfT for trade policy is also impactful in some democratic regimes. This might suggest that the efficacy of AfT is not strictly regime-dependent, but hinges on the government’s commitment to carry out significant reforms leading to greater participation in the global economy.

This paper investigates the impact of aid for trade (AfT) targeted at trade policies on the participation of recipient countries in global value chains (GVCs), and how this impact varies with their prevailing political regimes. In democratic countries, the need for the authorities to account for the interests of various stakeholders (e.g., lobbies, trade unions) can compromise the allocation, use, and effectiveness of AfT. In contrast, less democratic regimes are typically more insulated from political pressures, which may lead to more effective outcomes of aid. At the same time, integration into some complex GVCs requires efficient and democratic institutions, to which these products are sensitive. Employing a sample of 110 countries and data covering 2002-2018, we control for standard determinants of GVC participation, while examining the effect of AfT and the moderating role of the political regime in place. Our estimation addresses the endogeneity of aid through an appropriate instrumentation strategy. Our results suggest that the effect of AfT is mostly positive in autocratic regimes, indicating more effective trade policy reforms. When we account for regional disparities, we find evidence that AfT for trade policy is also impactful in some democratic regimes. This might suggest that the efficacy of AfT is not strictly regime-dependent, but hinges on the government’s commitment to carry out significant reforms leading to greater participation in the global economy.

Many colonies in Africa attained independence through negotiated settlements. However, several others engaged in armed liberation struggles, for example, Kenya, Namibia, South Africa, Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), and the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, and São Tomé and Príncipe. Newly independent states provided liberation movements with bases on their territories and political, military, intellectual, ideological, material, and moral support. In West Africa, Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, a notable pan-Africanist, declared in his Independence Day speech in 1957, “Our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.” In East Africa, Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta, the first presidents of independent Tanzania and Kenya respectively, showed similar commitment to Pan-Africanism and anticolonialism by hosting refugees fleeing armed struggles in Southern Africa. Tanzania hosted the Organization of African Unity Liberation Committee supported anticolonial resistance and liberation movements. President Nyerere supported them for “challenging injustices of empire and apartheid” and declared, “I train freedom fighters”. He encouraged Tanzanians living around liberation movement camps to welcome these movements and their freedom fighters and also protect them from agents of colonial governments. Support also came from many other countries on the continent including Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Algeria. The latter provided sanctuary to representatives of liberation movements such as Nelson Mandela of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa.

Many colonies in Africa attained independence through negotiated settlements. However, several others engaged in armed liberation struggles, for example, Kenya, Namibia, South Africa, Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), and the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, and São Tomé and Príncipe. Newly independent states provided liberation movements with bases on their territories and political, military, intellectual, ideological, material, and moral support. In West Africa, Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, a notable pan-Africanist, declared in his Independence Day speech in 1957, “Our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.” In East Africa, Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta, the first presidents of independent Tanzania and Kenya respectively, showed similar commitment to Pan-Africanism and anticolonialism by hosting refugees fleeing armed struggles in Southern Africa. Tanzania hosted the Organization of African Unity Liberation Committee supported anticolonial resistance and liberation movements. President Nyerere supported them for “challenging injustices of empire and apartheid” and declared, “I train freedom fighters”. He encouraged Tanzanians living around liberation movement camps to welcome these movements and their freedom fighters and also protect them from agents of colonial governments. Support also came from many other countries on the continent including Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Algeria. The latter provided sanctuary to representatives of liberation movements such as Nelson Mandela of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa.

Many colonies in Africa attained independence through negotiated settlements. However, several others engaged in armed liberation struggles, for example, Kenya, Namibia, South Africa, Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), and the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, and São Tomé and Príncipe. Newly independent states provided liberation movements with bases on their territories and political, military, intellectual, ideological, material, and moral support. In West Africa, Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, a notable pan-Africanist, declared in his Independence Day speech in 1957, “Our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.” In East Africa, Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta, the first presidents of independent Tanzania and Kenya respectively, showed similar commitment to Pan-Africanism and anticolonialism by hosting refugees fleeing armed struggles in Southern Africa. Tanzania hosted the Organization of African Unity Liberation Committee supported anticolonial resistance and liberation movements. President Nyerere supported them for “challenging injustices of empire and apartheid” and declared, “I train freedom fighters”. He encouraged Tanzanians living around liberation movement camps to welcome these movements and their freedom fighters and also protect them from agents of colonial governments. Support also came from many other countries on the continent including Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Algeria. The latter provided sanctuary to representatives of liberation movements such as Nelson Mandela of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa.

- Agenda / Roumanie, Région parisienne

- Agenda / Albanie, France - Régions

- Agenda / Albanie, France - Régions

Au début du 18e siècle, la France, la Suède et l'Empire ottoman nouent un réseau d'alliances où la diplomatie ouvre la voie à l'imaginaire. À travers peintures, dessins, estampes et aquarelles, l'exposition explore ces circulations artistiques et culturelles.
Au 18ᵉ siècle, les relations entre Occident et Orient s'apaisent après de longs siècles marqués par les conflits armés. La France, la Suède et l'Empire ottoman s'allient contre les ennemis communs que sont la Russie et l'Autriche. Les (…)

- Agenda

Lors de cet atelier, nous étudierons des airs et des chants de la région élargie d'Asie Mineure et la manière dont le répertoire correspondant a été intégré et domestiqué, principalement dans les îles du nord-est de la mer Égée et des Cyclades.
À travers le répertoire et la pratique, nous étudierons les points communs et les différences stylistiques de ces régions spécifiques. Parallèlement, l'analyse des chants et des airs nous permettra d'identifier les caractéristiques (développement (…)

- Agenda / France - Régions, Turquie

The EU issued a statement on the situation in Ethiopia, urging immediate de-escalation in the country amid rising violence and tensions with Eritrea, calling for civilian protection, humanitarian access, respect for sovereignty and renewed diplomatic efforts.

Press briefing ahead of the upcoming Eurogroup meeting of 8 October will take place on Wednesday, 7 October 2026 at 13.15.

On 5 October 2026, the European Union and the Republic of Moldova held their 10th Association Council Meeting where EU and Moldova reiterated their strong partnership and announce the disbursement of €157 million under Growth Plan funding.

Press briefing ahead of the Economic and Financial Affairs Council will take place on 6 October at 17.00. The briefing will be "off the record".

President António Costa travelled to Warsaw (Poland) to attend the opening ceremony of the academic year 2026/2027 of the College of Europe (Natolin campus), where he delivered a speech.

Une fillette d'environ dix ans a été retrouvée morte, dimanche 4 octobre 2026, dans un puisard à ciel ouvert au quartier Swinrou-Kpassagambou, dans le troisième arrondissement de Parakou.

Disparue du domicile familial quelques heures plus tôt, une fillette d'environ dix ans a été retrouvée au fond du puisard dimanche 4 septembre 2026.

Son corps a été découvert aux environs de 19h30, à Swinrou-Kpassagambou, un quartier du troisième arrondissement de Parakou, selon Fraternité fm.

La fillette a été inhumée lundi 5 octobre.

La police a ouvert une enquête pour déterminer les circonstances exactes du drame.

Sur les lieux, lundi, au lendemain de l'accident, le puisard ne semblait pas encore bénéficier d'un dispositif de sécurisation suffisamment rassurant. Des enfants continuaient par ailleurs à fréquenter et à jouer dans les environs. La situation suscite des inquiétudes dans le quartier.

M. M.

Un homme interpellé la veille pour des faits présumés de vol a été retrouvé mort, lundi 5 octobre 2026, dans les locaux du commissariat central de Tchaourou, dans le Borgou.

Un homme placé en garde à vue après son interpellation dimanche 4 octobre a été retrouvé mort au petit matin de ce lundi 5 octobre 2026 dans les locaux du commissariat central de Tchaourou.

D'après des informations rapportées par Le Parakois, recoupées auprès de plusieurs sources, l'intéressé avait été arrêté dans le cadre d'une affaire présumée de vol avant d'être conduit au commissariat. Il se trouvait encore dans les locaux de l'unité de police lorsqu'il a été découvert sans vie.

Les premières informations font état d'une mort par pendaison. Les circonstances exactes du drame ne sont pas encore connues.

M. M.

Lebenslang ohne Bewährung: Der frühere «American Idol»-Kandidat Caleb Flynn ist in den USA wegen Mordes an seiner Frau verurteilt worden.

Le Bénin relance le dossier de la restitution de ses biens culturels conservés en France. À l'occasion de son entretien officiel avec Emmanuel Macron, lundi 5 octobre 2026 à l'Élysée, le chef de l'État béninois, Romuald Wadagni, a sollicité le retour de 35 biens culturels emportés durant la période coloniale.

Vers la restitution de plusieurs autres biens culturels au Bénin. Le sujet était au cœur du tête-à-tête entre les présidents Romuald Wadagni et Emmanuel Macron à l'Elysée ce lundi 5 octobre 2026.
Parmi les pièces concernées, figure la statue du dieu Gou, divinité associée au fer et à la guerre. Pillée en 1892 lors de la conquête du royaume du Dahomey, l'œuvre est aujourd'hui conservée au musée du Louvre. Sa restitution avait déjà été demandée par le Bénin en 2016, sous la présidence de Patrice Talon.
La nouvelle demande porte également sur un plateau de divination en bois sculpté, dérobé au XIXe siècle et conservé au musée du quai Branly. Le trône du roi Toffa de Porto-Novo, également conservé dans ce musée parisien, figure lui aussi parmi les biens dont Cotonou demande le rapatriement.

Un nouveau cadre juridique en France
Ces démarches interviennent dans un contexte juridique désormais plus favorable aux demandes de restitution. La France a promulgué, le 9 mai 2026, une loi relative à la restitution des biens culturels ayant fait l'objet d'une appropriation illicite. Le texte prévoit notamment des procédures permettant la sortie de biens culturels du domaine public afin de les restituer aux États qui en font la demande, sous certaines conditions.
La loi s'applique également aux demandes de restitution qui étaient déjà en cours d'examen au moment de sa publication. Elle prévoit par ailleurs un suivi parlementaire des demandes adressées à la France ainsi qu'un renforcement de la coopération culturelle, scientifique et muséographique avec les États demandeurs.
Cette nouvelle étape s'inscrit dans le prolongement de la restitution, en novembre 2021, de 26 trésors royaux d'Abomey au Bénin. Parmi ces pièces figuraient notamment des statues anthropomorphes des rois Ghézo et Béhanzin ainsi que plusieurs trônes royaux.
Avec cette nouvelle demande, le Bénin poursuit ainsi ses démarches en vue de récupérer d'autres éléments de son patrimoine conservés dans les collections publiques françaises.

F. A. A.