Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

This paper investigates the impact of aid for trade (AfT) targeted at trade policies on the participation of recipient countries in global value chains (GVCs), and how this impact varies with their prevailing political regimes. In democratic countries, the need for the authorities to account for the interests of various stakeholders (e.g., lobbies, trade unions) can compromise the allocation, use, and effectiveness of AfT. In contrast, less democratic regimes are typically more insulated from political pressures, which may lead to more effective outcomes of aid. At the same time, integration into some complex GVCs requires efficient and democratic institutions, to which these products are sensitive. Employing a sample of 110 countries and data covering 2002-2018, we control for standard determinants of GVC participation, while examining the effect of AfT and the moderating role of the political regime in place. Our estimation addresses the endogeneity of aid through an appropriate instrumentation strategy. Our results suggest that the effect of AfT is mostly positive in autocratic regimes, indicating more effective trade policy reforms. When we account for regional disparities, we find evidence that AfT for trade policy is also impactful in some democratic regimes. This might suggest that the efficacy of AfT is not strictly regime-dependent, but hinges on the government’s commitment to carry out significant reforms leading to greater participation in the global economy.

This paper investigates the impact of aid for trade (AfT) targeted at trade policies on the participation of recipient countries in global value chains (GVCs), and how this impact varies with their prevailing political regimes. In democratic countries, the need for the authorities to account for the interests of various stakeholders (e.g., lobbies, trade unions) can compromise the allocation, use, and effectiveness of AfT. In contrast, less democratic regimes are typically more insulated from political pressures, which may lead to more effective outcomes of aid. At the same time, integration into some complex GVCs requires efficient and democratic institutions, to which these products are sensitive. Employing a sample of 110 countries and data covering 2002-2018, we control for standard determinants of GVC participation, while examining the effect of AfT and the moderating role of the political regime in place. Our estimation addresses the endogeneity of aid through an appropriate instrumentation strategy. Our results suggest that the effect of AfT is mostly positive in autocratic regimes, indicating more effective trade policy reforms. When we account for regional disparities, we find evidence that AfT for trade policy is also impactful in some democratic regimes. This might suggest that the efficacy of AfT is not strictly regime-dependent, but hinges on the government’s commitment to carry out significant reforms leading to greater participation in the global economy.

This paper investigates the impact of aid for trade (AfT) targeted at trade policies on the participation of recipient countries in global value chains (GVCs), and how this impact varies with their prevailing political regimes. In democratic countries, the need for the authorities to account for the interests of various stakeholders (e.g., lobbies, trade unions) can compromise the allocation, use, and effectiveness of AfT. In contrast, less democratic regimes are typically more insulated from political pressures, which may lead to more effective outcomes of aid. At the same time, integration into some complex GVCs requires efficient and democratic institutions, to which these products are sensitive. Employing a sample of 110 countries and data covering 2002-2018, we control for standard determinants of GVC participation, while examining the effect of AfT and the moderating role of the political regime in place. Our estimation addresses the endogeneity of aid through an appropriate instrumentation strategy. Our results suggest that the effect of AfT is mostly positive in autocratic regimes, indicating more effective trade policy reforms. When we account for regional disparities, we find evidence that AfT for trade policy is also impactful in some democratic regimes. This might suggest that the efficacy of AfT is not strictly regime-dependent, but hinges on the government’s commitment to carry out significant reforms leading to greater participation in the global economy.

Many colonies in Africa attained independence through negotiated settlements. However, several others engaged in armed liberation struggles, for example, Kenya, Namibia, South Africa, Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), and the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, and São Tomé and Príncipe. Newly independent states provided liberation movements with bases on their territories and political, military, intellectual, ideological, material, and moral support. In West Africa, Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, a notable pan-Africanist, declared in his Independence Day speech in 1957, “Our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.” In East Africa, Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta, the first presidents of independent Tanzania and Kenya respectively, showed similar commitment to Pan-Africanism and anticolonialism by hosting refugees fleeing armed struggles in Southern Africa. Tanzania hosted the Organization of African Unity Liberation Committee supported anticolonial resistance and liberation movements. President Nyerere supported them for “challenging injustices of empire and apartheid” and declared, “I train freedom fighters”. He encouraged Tanzanians living around liberation movement camps to welcome these movements and their freedom fighters and also protect them from agents of colonial governments. Support also came from many other countries on the continent including Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Algeria. The latter provided sanctuary to representatives of liberation movements such as Nelson Mandela of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa.

Many colonies in Africa attained independence through negotiated settlements. However, several others engaged in armed liberation struggles, for example, Kenya, Namibia, South Africa, Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), and the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, and São Tomé and Príncipe. Newly independent states provided liberation movements with bases on their territories and political, military, intellectual, ideological, material, and moral support. In West Africa, Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, a notable pan-Africanist, declared in his Independence Day speech in 1957, “Our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.” In East Africa, Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta, the first presidents of independent Tanzania and Kenya respectively, showed similar commitment to Pan-Africanism and anticolonialism by hosting refugees fleeing armed struggles in Southern Africa. Tanzania hosted the Organization of African Unity Liberation Committee supported anticolonial resistance and liberation movements. President Nyerere supported them for “challenging injustices of empire and apartheid” and declared, “I train freedom fighters”. He encouraged Tanzanians living around liberation movement camps to welcome these movements and their freedom fighters and also protect them from agents of colonial governments. Support also came from many other countries on the continent including Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Algeria. The latter provided sanctuary to representatives of liberation movements such as Nelson Mandela of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa.

Many colonies in Africa attained independence through negotiated settlements. However, several others engaged in armed liberation struggles, for example, Kenya, Namibia, South Africa, Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), and the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, and São Tomé and Príncipe. Newly independent states provided liberation movements with bases on their territories and political, military, intellectual, ideological, material, and moral support. In West Africa, Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, a notable pan-Africanist, declared in his Independence Day speech in 1957, “Our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.” In East Africa, Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta, the first presidents of independent Tanzania and Kenya respectively, showed similar commitment to Pan-Africanism and anticolonialism by hosting refugees fleeing armed struggles in Southern Africa. Tanzania hosted the Organization of African Unity Liberation Committee supported anticolonial resistance and liberation movements. President Nyerere supported them for “challenging injustices of empire and apartheid” and declared, “I train freedom fighters”. He encouraged Tanzanians living around liberation movement camps to welcome these movements and their freedom fighters and also protect them from agents of colonial governments. Support also came from many other countries on the continent including Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Algeria. The latter provided sanctuary to representatives of liberation movements such as Nelson Mandela of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa.

This study examines the relationship between the green transition and female employment in Rwanda’s construction sector, influenced by sustainability policies such as the Green Building Code. Using a firm-level survey conducted in Kigali in 2024, we analyze data from 545 firms across the construction value chain, employing a Green Index to quantify firms’ sustainability practices. The empirical analysis relies on OLS IV estimation to address potential endogeneity concerns. Our findings indicate a positive association between green practices and female employment shares, particularly in permanent roles, suggesting that sustainability-driven transformations can contribute to more equitable labor market outcomes. The study further highlights sectoral heterogeneity, with supplier and construction firms showing the strongest employment gains for women. Government initiatives enhance these effects, highlighting the importance of coherent policy frameworks. However, the role of managerial attitudes remains unclear, indicating a need for further research on organizational dynamics. The analysis also highlights disparities in access to green training, with female-managed firms less likely to receive training, potentially limiting their ability to benefit from green transitions. These findings provide insights for policymakers aiming to align green transition policies with gender-inclusive economic development in Rwanda and the broader context of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA).

This study examines the relationship between the green transition and female employment in Rwanda’s construction sector, influenced by sustainability policies such as the Green Building Code. Using a firm-level survey conducted in Kigali in 2024, we analyze data from 545 firms across the construction value chain, employing a Green Index to quantify firms’ sustainability practices. The empirical analysis relies on OLS IV estimation to address potential endogeneity concerns. Our findings indicate a positive association between green practices and female employment shares, particularly in permanent roles, suggesting that sustainability-driven transformations can contribute to more equitable labor market outcomes. The study further highlights sectoral heterogeneity, with supplier and construction firms showing the strongest employment gains for women. Government initiatives enhance these effects, highlighting the importance of coherent policy frameworks. However, the role of managerial attitudes remains unclear, indicating a need for further research on organizational dynamics. The analysis also highlights disparities in access to green training, with female-managed firms less likely to receive training, potentially limiting their ability to benefit from green transitions. These findings provide insights for policymakers aiming to align green transition policies with gender-inclusive economic development in Rwanda and the broader context of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA).

This study examines the relationship between the green transition and female employment in Rwanda’s construction sector, influenced by sustainability policies such as the Green Building Code. Using a firm-level survey conducted in Kigali in 2024, we analyze data from 545 firms across the construction value chain, employing a Green Index to quantify firms’ sustainability practices. The empirical analysis relies on OLS IV estimation to address potential endogeneity concerns. Our findings indicate a positive association between green practices and female employment shares, particularly in permanent roles, suggesting that sustainability-driven transformations can contribute to more equitable labor market outcomes. The study further highlights sectoral heterogeneity, with supplier and construction firms showing the strongest employment gains for women. Government initiatives enhance these effects, highlighting the importance of coherent policy frameworks. However, the role of managerial attitudes remains unclear, indicating a need for further research on organizational dynamics. The analysis also highlights disparities in access to green training, with female-managed firms less likely to receive training, potentially limiting their ability to benefit from green transitions. These findings provide insights for policymakers aiming to align green transition policies with gender-inclusive economic development in Rwanda and the broader context of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA).

Cristiano Ronaldo ist beim 1:1 der Portugiesen gegen den Kongo praktisch unsichtbar. Das erstaunt sogar einen seiner Gegner.

The 2026 US–Israel–Iran war has produced what the International Energy Agency describes as the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market. Brent crude rose from around $70 at the end of February to a peak of about $140 in early April before settling around $100 as of early June 2026. In a new Brief Andy Sumner and Stephan Klingebiel argue that the significance of the oil shock lies not only in the price increase itself but in its timing. 

The 2026 US–Israel–Iran war has produced what the International Energy Agency describes as the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market. Brent crude rose from around $70 at the end of February to a peak of about $140 in early April before settling around $100 as of early June 2026. In a new Brief Andy Sumner and Stephan Klingebiel argue that the significance of the oil shock lies not only in the price increase itself but in its timing. 

The 2026 US–Israel–Iran war has produced what the International Energy Agency describes as the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market. Brent crude rose from around $70 at the end of February to a peak of about $140 in early April before settling around $100 as of early June 2026. In a new Brief Andy Sumner and Stephan Klingebiel argue that the significance of the oil shock lies not only in the price increase itself but in its timing. 

Zusammenfassung:

18. Juni 2026 – Künstliche Intelligenz (KI) entwickelt sich für immer mehr Menschen rasant zu einer wichtigen, wenn nicht dominanten Informationsquelle – nicht nur im täglichen Leben, sondern auch bei politischen Informationen. Damit können KI-Chatbots die politische Meinungsbildung und womöglich auch die Wahlergebnisse in Demokratien erheblich beeinflussen. Aber wie politisch neutral sind KI-Chatbots? Basieren ihre Informationen auf den bestmöglichen Quellen und einer ausgewogenen Analyse? Oder werden sie von Eigentümern und Betreibern möglicherweise als Instrument politischer Einflussnahme genutzt? Die Analyse der Aussagen von fünf KI-Chatbots zur künftigen Bundesregierung und zur Landesregierung in Sachsen-Anhalt zeigen: Die Resultate von SuperGrok, dem Chatbot von Elon Musks xAI, unterscheiden sich stark und grundlegend von den Einschätzungen der anderen vier untersuchten Chatbots. Für knapp die Hälfte aller wirtschafts- und gesellschaftspolitischen Indikatoren bewertet SuperGrok die AfD – sowohl für Deutschland als auch für Sachsen-Anhalt – als die effektivste und erfolgreichste künftige Regierung, stützt sich dabei aber überwiegend auf AfD-Quellen. Dies deutet auf eine bewusste, wenn nicht sogar absichtliche Verzerrung hin.

As feminist foreign policies face growing political backlash around the world, questions remain about how states can ensure these policies are grounded in the lived realities of the communities they seek to serve. One way to bridge the gap between international commitments and domestic implementation is through the care economy.

This policy paper examines Mexico City’s UTOPÍAS—publicly funded community centers that provide care services, educational opportunities, cultural programming, and support for economic autonomy. Drawing on field research and interviews with policymakers, civil society representatives, and community members, the paper explores how these centers embody feminist principles through an intersectional approach to care, gender equality, and social inclusion.

The paper argues that initiatives like the UTOPÍAS demonstrate how local governments can advance transformative care policies while contributing to broader feminist foreign policy goals. It highlights the potential of municipal feminist diplomacy and city-to-city exchanges as avenues for sharing innovative approaches to care, human security, and gender equality across borders.

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The post Local Care and Feminist Foreign Policy: Lessons Learned from Mexico City’s UTOPÍAS appeared first on International Peace Institute.

On 24 June, Committee on Foreign Affairs will host its Interparliamentary Committee Meeting on enlargement. More than 50 members of national parliaments from the EU Member States and enlargement countries will be present to exchange views with AFET members. There will be two sessions, focusing on seizing the momentum in the enlargement process and the role of parliaments in progressing EU accession.
Mathieu Bousquet (DG ENEST, European Commission) and Joachim Koops (Global Governance Institute and Leiden University) will deliver keynote speeches in the respective sessions.
Location : ANTALL (4Q2)
Draft programme
Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Staatliche Beihilfen stützen krisenbetroffene Banken – Wettbewerbseffekte unterscheiden sich je nach Instrument – Gezielte Ausgestaltung entscheidend für künftige Krisen Staatliche Beihilfen haben dazu beigetragen, den Bankensektor in der Finanzkrise funktionsfähig zu halten und größere ...

On 24 June, Committee on Foreign Affairs will host its Interparliamentary Committee Meeting on enlargement. More than 50 members of national parliaments from the EU Member States and enlargement countries will be present to exchange views with AFET members. There will be two sessions, focusing on seizing the momentum in the enlargement process and the role of parliaments in progressing EU accession.
Mathieu Bousquet (DG ENEST, European Commission) and Joachim Koops (Global Governance Institute and Leiden University) will deliver keynote speeches in the respective sessions.
Meetings with National Parliaments
ICM Draft programme
Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

The 2026 US–Israel–Iran war has produced what the International Energy Agency describes as the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market. Brent crude rose from around $70 at the end of February to a peak of about $140 in early April before settling around $100 as of early June 2026. In a new Brief we argue that the significance of the oil shock lies not only in the price increase itself but in its timing.