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Saada Juma (L) works with fellow seaweed farmers at Jambiani coast in Zanzibar. Credit: Kizito Makoye/IPS

By Kizito Makoye
JAMBIANI, Zanzibar, Aug 25 2025 (IPS)

At dawn on the white-sand shores of Jambiani, 45-year-old Saada Juma braces herself against the pull of the tide, wrangling ropes laced with seaweed. Her hands, hardened by decades of labor, move instinctively as she secures her aquatic crop.

“I’ve been farming seaweed since I was a teenager,” she tells IPS, squinting against the morning sun. “This ocean is our life. But for us women, it’s always been a fight to be seen, to be heard.”

Juma is one of thousands of Zanzibari women who sustain the island’s marine economy through seaweed farming, artisanal fishing, ecotourism, and conservation. While their labor underpins Zanzibar’s blue economy—a model that leverages marine resources for sustainable development—many women say the system still disproportionately favors men.

Changing Seas, Unchanged Inequities

Seaweed farming became a prominent source of income in Zanzibar in the 1990s, especially for women. Yet climate change is altering the dynamics of this once-reliable livelihood.

“I started farming seaweed because my mother did it. Now my daughters do it too,” says 52-year-old Mwantumu Suleiman, a seaweed farmer in Jambiani village. “But we’re stuck in the same place. The sea has changed, and we have not been helped to change with it.”

Warming waters and strong tides are making shallow-water cultivation increasingly unviable. But venturing further offshore poses serious risks.

“Most of us don’t know how to swim and even if we did, we don’t have diving gear,” Suleyman says. “So, we pay young men to go for us—if we have the money. Otherwise, we just lose out.”

Tools, Training, and the Gender Gap

On the coast of Jambiani, Juma wades ankle-deep through the surf, examining a torn seaweed rope. She is exasperated.

“These tools are not made for us,” she says, showing a frayed line. “They’re cheap, break easily, and we have nowhere to store or dry the harvest properly. We need better equipment.”

For women like Juma, the work goes beyond survival—it is a path to independence. Yet limited access to financial services, poor infrastructure, and insufficient training have prevented women from reaping the full benefits.

“Seaweed farmers earn the least in the chain, even though we do the hardest work,” she says. “We want to do more—make creams, soaps, drinks—but no one trains us.”

A Blueprint for Gender-Inclusive Growth

To address these imbalances, Zanzibar’s government—supported by UN Women and Norway—launched the Blue Economy Gender Strategy and Action Plan in 2022. The initiative is the first in the region aimed at embedding gender equity in marine policy.

“Women are not just participants; they are leaders in these sectors,” says Asha Ali, a gender advisor who helped draft the strategy. “But leadership requires opportunity, training, and recognition—all of which have been scarce.”

The plan outlines targeted reforms, including skills training, access to credit, and the allocation of designated sea plots to women.

From Tides to Tables of Power

Some women are already pushing for reform from within. Amina Salim, 40, leads a women’s seaweed farming cooperative in Zanzibar and has become a vocal advocate for women’s rights in marine economies.

“I’ve sat in dusty classrooms and government offices to tell our story,” she says. “It’s not just about seaweed. It’s about survival. We are feeding our families, educating our children—and we deserve a better deal.”

Under her leadership, women have petitioned local authorities, secured training opportunities, and begun engaging in policy-making processes.

“We’ve come a long way,” Salim adds. “Five years ago, we had no voice. Today, the government is listening. They’ve promised designated farming zones and better tools. Now, we want action.”

A Sector Under Pressure

Zanzibar’s blue economy accounts for nearly 30 percent of the islands’ GDP and provides employment to one-third of its population. Yet experts warn that the sector’s sustainability is threatened by gender disparities and environmental degradation.

“Women have been sidelined in marine industries for decades,” says Dr. Nasra Bakari, a marine economist at the State University of Zanzibar. “If we empower them—through training, equipment, access to markets—the entire economy benefits.”

Bakari notes that community-driven conservation projects led by women, such as coral reef restoration and ecotourism, hold great promise for sustainable development.

“Let’s not forget—women know the ocean. They’ve worked these shores longer than most. We just need to meet them halfway.”

Charting a Climate-Resilient Path

At the 2025 United Nations Ocean Conference in Nice, France, Tanzania used the global platform to push for aquatic foods as a solution to hunger, climate resilience, and sustainable growth.

“Our survival is intimately tied to the ocean. It feeds us, it employs our people, and it holds the promise to lift millions out of poverty,” said Zanzibar’s Minister for Blue Economy and Fisheries, Shaaban Ali Othman, during a high-level panel discussion.

Highlighting the urgent need to manage marine resources responsibly, Othman detailed how Zanzibar’s blue economy policy has prioritized gender equity and climate adaptation.

“Communities in Zanzibar and along the Tanzanian coastline have fished for generations, but now we must ensure those practices are not just traditional but also sustainable and inclusive,” he said.

Othman also emphasized the importance of value addition and cold-chain infrastructure, noting post-harvest losses remain a major challenge.

“We are piloting aquatic food training centers aimed at supporting youth to acquire and apply climate-smart aquaculture skills, including sustainable pond farming and low-carbon feed techniques,” he said. “This is how we move from potential to prosperity.”

Expanding the Blue Horizon

In parallel, Zanzibar’s Marine Spatial Planning (MSP) initiative—supported by Norway—is mapping marine zones for tourism, shipping, conservation, and fishing. This aims to prevent resource conflicts and ensure environmental protection.

“It’s like a marine land use plan,” says Omar Abdalla, MSP coordinator. “We want to avoid conflicts and protect sensitive areas before they are damaged.”

Still, building trust remains a challenge.

“These maps are made by computers in offices,” says Salim Juma, a sea cucumber diver. “They should come underwater with us. See what’s really happening.”

Omar acknowledges the tension. “We are trying to combine science and traditional knowledge. It’s not easy. But we’re learning.”

Seaweed Innovation and Investment Opportunities

Zulekha Khamis, a 42-year-old farmer in Paje, is among 300 women testing new seaweed farming techniques using floating rafts suited for deeper waters.

“Before, we didn’t know what to do. But now we attend training. We know about climate change,” says Mariam Hamad, leader of the cooperative. “We are not just farmers. We are scientists in the water.”

The group also produces seaweed-based soaps and cosmetics, boosting income and self-reliance.

“We earn more now,” Hamad says. “Some of us can send children to school or build better houses.”

Yet the risk of donor dependency looms large. “If the support goes away, we will go back to struggling,” she cautions.

To address financing gaps, Zanzibar plans to launch a Blue Economy Investment Forum and a Blue Economy Incubator to connect entrepreneurs with ethical investors. But barriers remain.

“Banks don’t understand blue startups,” says Imani Kombo, a 29-year-old ecotourism entrepreneur. “We need patient capital that sees beyond profit.”

A Call for Inclusive Sustainability

Back in Jambiani, Juma ties her final line of seaweed to dry, her eyes on the sea.

“We’ve been patient with promises,” she says. “Now we need results.”

She dreams of building a small factory to process seaweed into cosmetics and health products. “We want to control the full value chain—from the sea to the shelf,” she adds.

As Zanzibar advances its blue economy agenda, the call from women is crystal clear: the sea may sustain life, but without equity and inclusion, the promise of prosperity will remain out of reach.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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IPI’s Women, Peace and Security program, in partnership with the Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations (led by Global Affairs Canada), the United Nations Office of the Special Coordinator on Improving the UN Response to Sexual Exploitation and Abuse and the Gender and Security Sector Lab, cohosted a virtual policy forum on July 30th on “Sexual Exploitation, Abuse, and Harassment (SEAH) in UN Peace Operations.”

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Moderator:
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The post Sexual Exploitation, Abuse, and Harassment (SEAH) in UN Peace Operations appeared first on International Peace Institute.

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IPI President Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein addressed the UN High-Level Conference on “The Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine and the Implementation of the Two-State Solution” on July 28th, urging the international community to focus on moving past diplomatic gestures and vague visions. He stressed that short of clear and collective action with specific policy commitments based on a recognised sovereign and contiguous Palestinian state, the two-state solution will remain an abstraction.

Read his remarks in full:

Thank you, Your Highness, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, friends.

I am grateful to be joining Presidents Mary Robinson and Juan Manuel Santos, as the third external speaker to this morning’s session; and would like to begin by thanking our Co-chairs France and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia – not only for their leadership on this topic, but also for their insistence this conference centres on the specific actions needed to realise a two-state solution.

Our Co-Chairs are also right to think the greatest threat to the viability of a two-state solution is a staggering international community that lacks an understanding of either what a workable two-state solution actually entails, or of the path we must all take to get there, once the terrible atrocities in Gaza stop.  In other words, how can we transition from rubble to renewal without a compelling and credible vision for what renewal means?

Others may argue this differently, claiming the main obstacle to peace is not so much the violent extremists on both sides who demand the complete removal or destruction of the other – that is perhaps too obvious a point – rather it is the filing down in both societies of those who believe peace is possible. Such is the depth of fear, anger, and fatalism that now marks the prevailing mood.

After all, virtually all Palestinians, Arabs, Muslims, and many others accuse the Israeli leadership of committing acts of genocide in Gaza, this on top of a long and cruel military occupation of Palestine.  The Israeli government, the US Administration, and some European leaders see Israel as fighting a violent enemy which threatens it existentially, an enemy that murdered Israeli civilians cold-bloodedly almost two years ago, and took hostages.  Many people around the world see truth in both views.

Despite conceding the reality of the present moods and hatreds swirling within the two populations, what is fortunate about a vision of two states is that, like any other vision, it need not correspond exactly with the current psychology of Israelis and Palestinians.  A vision is not for today’s emotional audit, but for a tomorrow when new imperatives have inspired both populations, and not because the vision would be something utterly fanciful; quite the opposite, a two-state solution would have to be practical to gain support.

This is why one of the first lessons to draw on from decades of failed efforts to resolve this conflict is that wholesale vagueness about the endgame is not strategic— it is dangerous. It empowers rejectionists and weakens those who believe peace is still attainable.

Today, as we have heard many speakers say, leading figures in Israel’s far-right government are openly articulating a vision of permanent occupation, territorial annexation, and forced displacement. And they are acting accordingly, taking steps every day to implement their vision through concrete policies and actions on the ground.  The international community cannot counter this with carefully worded platitudes.  What is needed is a clear, collective affirmation of the two-state solution—not as an abstraction, but with specific policy commitments: a full end to the occupation, borders based on the 4 June 1967 lines, and a sovereign, contiguous Palestinian state.  Short of this, recognition of Palestine will remain symbolic and will do little to transform the lives of Palestinians on the ground and effect meaningful progress towards Palestinian self-determination.

Now this is not a fantasy.

Palestinians and Israelis, working together, have developed a vision for a two-state solution that can work, and they have devised elegant and symmetrical solutions to issues like settlements, refugees, and Jerusalem; core issues that have divided them in the past.

The first point this vision articulates is this: a viable peace must address the emotional and deep connection felt by both Israelis and Palestinians to all the land, from the river to the sea.  The vision also addresses the need for two distinct and sovereign states as a means of facilitating self-determination for two peoples and ensures a complete end of the military occupation. And it also overcomes past obstacles to the achievement of a two-state settlement, proposing a just solution for the Palestinian refugee population and a framework for Jerusalem while guaranteeing access to it.  And it achieves all of this in a way that ensures Israel can maintain a Jewish voting majority.

So how can this be done?

There would be two states, but one homeland.  The path to reach it entails, as a starting poin,t an acceptance of the Armistice Line as it was prior to 4 June 1967 as the border between the two states — with, at most, minor territorial adjustments, rather than more significant swaps or the sweeping annexation contemplated by other proposals. Israeli settlers who wish to remain in their homes would have the option of becoming permanent residents of the State of Palestine.  They would pay their taxes, abide by local law, and enjoy full protection of their rights, as is the case with permanent residents in almost all countries.  All Palestinian refugees will, in turn, have the right to become citizens of Palestine, but they would also have the option of becoming permanent residents of Israel, creating a path for return.  Israeli Arabs would remain Israeli citizens and would be guaranteed full equality.  Over time, there will be freedom of movement for all throughout and across both states.  Jerusalem would be given special status.  There will be some confederal institutions, including a human rights court as an appellate body.

A mechanism will need to be devised to bind the two states together—possibly through a cleverly designed, regionally anchored security arrangement—to prevent unilateral abrogation. As a first urgent transitional step, a reconstruction and rehabilitation mission should be established with an international mandate and based on a regional partnership. To succeed, this mission must prioritise restoring political and economic links between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, which Israel and the PLO have recognized as constituting a single territorial unit.

Finally, Israel’s approach of achieving security through domination and fragmentation of Palestinian life— by imposing a stranglehold on Palestinian territory, institutions, and leadership, and by the undermining of UNRWA over the years — has hitherto produced only a notion of security for Israel. It has deepened Palestinian dispossession, inflicted great harm and degraded the Palestinian civilian population and threatened regional stability. Years of these measures, and the expensive fortified fences and sensor arrays surrounding Gaza, did not prevent the atrocious attacks of October 7.  The lesson for Israel is not to double down on fortification, separation, and militarisation — after all, there will always be new ways to inflict harm on Israeli citizens in the absence of a just peace.  What has worked has been mutuality —a sense of equality in status and obligation–and cooperation. This is why Israel’s peace treaties with Egypt and Jordan have been so durable. They were born not out of dominance, but respect for sovereign equality and territorial inviolability.

It is on these foundations that this vision of meaningful and durable renewal, this vision of Two-States One Homeland, was conceived — not in abstraction, but grounded in law, shaped by pragmatism, and sustained by a shared attachment to the land that both Israelis and Palestinians call home.

I thank you for your attention.

The post Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein: The Two-State Solution Needs A Credible Path Forward appeared first on International Peace Institute.