Population growth due to immigration is often portrayed as a problem rather than a success. This is deeply problematic, not least because Sweden – like Germany – depends on immigration to meet its growing labour market needs
Population growth due to immigration is often portrayed as a problem rather than a success. This is deeply problematic, not least because Sweden – like Germany – depends on immigration to meet its growing labour market needs
Migration wird in Deutschland oft verzerrt und polarisiert diskutiert – dabei ist sie dringend notwendig. Und das Leugnen dieser Realität behindert weiterhin die Entwicklung einer kohärenten nationalen Strategie.
Migration wird in Deutschland oft verzerrt und polarisiert diskutiert – dabei ist sie dringend notwendig. Und das Leugnen dieser Realität behindert weiterhin die Entwicklung einer kohärenten nationalen Strategie.
The Transatlantic Periscope is an interactive, multimedia tool that brings together expert commentary, high-quality media coverage, official policy documents, quantitative data, social media posts, and gray literature. It will provide on a monthly basis a summary of the most important news concerning the Greek-US relations, as reflected in the media. Below you will find an overview for July 2025.
The Trump administration’s nominee for the next U.S. Ambassador to Greece, Kimberly Guilfoyle, fielded questions at the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee confirmation hearing on July 9. The Committee has approved the nomination of Kimberly Guilfoyle to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Greece, with 13 to 9 in favor of advancing Guilfoyle’s nomination. The nomination now heads to the full Senate for a final confirmation vote.
According to Vassilis Nedos (Kathimerini), the U.S. has increased its use of key military facilities in Greece, including the strategically located Souda Bay and the northern port of Alexandroupoli, amid heightened tensions in the Middle East and shifting priorities in Washington. For Athens, the expanding US interest in Souda and Alexandroupoli reaffirms the long-term strategic importance of Greek territory in American defense planning.
The Greek government expressed hesitation and caution to comment on the EU-U.S. trade deal on tariffs reached between Ursula von der Leyen and Donald Trump on July 27. Greek Finance Minister Kyriakos Pierrakakis, speaking in the Hellenic Parliament, outlined the government’s thoughts on this critical issue. He noted that it puts an end to months of uncertainty following Trump’s election and the “back and forth” with the tariffs, and that is a positive thing. He stressed, however, that the government is studying the agreement to see how it can better manage the problems that will arise in areas of Greece’s commercial interest.
More at: https://transatlanticperiscope.org/relationship/GR#
Analyses on de-Europeanization have lately flourished, re-opening the path to explore whether Europeanization is still relevant for how the European governance system evolves. This article, taking the European climate policy (and in particular the European Green Deal) as a case study, which has been the spearhead of the 2019–2024 European Commission term, suggests the said exploration to focus on the EU climate/green policy. It utilizes the case of Greece, which has set the goal of decarbonization by 2028. It analyses the Greek parties’ public stances during two election periods (national in 2023 and European in 2024) to test whether they are consistent with the EU apparatus and goals. The article concludes by showcasing that Greek parties are relatively distant from being Europeanized in the field of climate policy and suggests revisiting Europeanization to better understand European and Member States’ politics.
Read here the article by Emmanuella Doussis, Head of the Climate and Sustainability Programme, ELIAMEP; Professor, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens; George Dikaios, Senior Research Fellow, ELIAMEP, and Marianna Terezaki, Junior Research Fellow, ELIAMEP.
The new issue of the Southeast European and Black Sea Studies Journal is available here.
Cover photo: Tania Malréchauffé, Unsplash
Calls for development policy to place greater emphasis on national self-interest are growing louder in many donor countries, including Germany. There are indeed good reasons to dovetail Germany’s international policies more effectively. Synergies between develop-ment cooperation (DC), foreign trade promotion and research partnerships have not been harnessed systematically to date, yet they could serve the interests of both Germany and its partner countries alike. Moreover, Germany is facing geopolitical competition from actors who have long been using their DC proactively to pursue strategic interests.
We advocate adopting a development policy that pursues German and European interests in those areas in which they are compatible with development policy objectives. Instead of focusing on the interests of individual companies, it is important to identify long-term ‘win-win’ potential, for example through a more strategic approach to planning DC offers that involves the private sector and ministries more actively prior to intergovernmental negotiations with the partner countries.
At the same time, we warn against subordinating DC to foreign economic policy objectives. Conditions such as tied aid provisions that link financial cooperation to business contracts for German/EU companies are expensive, inefficient and counterproductive in development terms. In addition, this approach would risk losing sight of Germany’s overarching interest in solutions to global problems, such as peacebuilding and climate and biodiversity protection.
We set out five guidelines for a development policy strategy that takes due consideration of Germany’s own interests without harming the partner countries:
1. Avoid strict tied aid provisions. These would be inefficient in development terms and would be of little benefit to German companies. As an export nation, Germany should comply with freedom of contract rules.
2. Pursue the interests of German society as a whole where they align with DC objectives. We distinguish between Germany’s global interests and those of individual companies. DC projects should align economic interests with the common good in the partner country.
3. Develop offers strategically prior to intergovernmental negotiations. The most effective synergies are generated if the private sector and other ministries are involved in preparing DC initiatives at an early stage. To do so, Germany needs to define joint national goals, coordinate ministerial instruments to achieve these goals and evaluate contributions by the private sector in advance.
4. Create strategic partnerships that serve as models. Germany has established a number of bilateral partnerships, especially on energy, raw material security and migration. None of these is exemplary in terms of effective interministerial coordination, private sector involvement or demons-trable benefits for both of the countries involved. At least one flagship project in each of the areas mentioned would make Germany attractive as a credible partner.
5. Expand minilateral formats with European states and influential third countries. Triangular and quadrilateral cooperation with ‘global partners’ and donor countries that share the same or similar interests can help advance Germany’s interests in international development for the common good.
Calls for development policy to place greater emphasis on national self-interest are growing louder in many donor countries, including Germany. There are indeed good reasons to dovetail Germany’s international policies more effectively. Synergies between develop-ment cooperation (DC), foreign trade promotion and research partnerships have not been harnessed systematically to date, yet they could serve the interests of both Germany and its partner countries alike. Moreover, Germany is facing geopolitical competition from actors who have long been using their DC proactively to pursue strategic interests.
We advocate adopting a development policy that pursues German and European interests in those areas in which they are compatible with development policy objectives. Instead of focusing on the interests of individual companies, it is important to identify long-term ‘win-win’ potential, for example through a more strategic approach to planning DC offers that involves the private sector and ministries more actively prior to intergovernmental negotiations with the partner countries.
At the same time, we warn against subordinating DC to foreign economic policy objectives. Conditions such as tied aid provisions that link financial cooperation to business contracts for German/EU companies are expensive, inefficient and counterproductive in development terms. In addition, this approach would risk losing sight of Germany’s overarching interest in solutions to global problems, such as peacebuilding and climate and biodiversity protection.
We set out five guidelines for a development policy strategy that takes due consideration of Germany’s own interests without harming the partner countries:
1. Avoid strict tied aid provisions. These would be inefficient in development terms and would be of little benefit to German companies. As an export nation, Germany should comply with freedom of contract rules.
2. Pursue the interests of German society as a whole where they align with DC objectives. We distinguish between Germany’s global interests and those of individual companies. DC projects should align economic interests with the common good in the partner country.
3. Develop offers strategically prior to intergovernmental negotiations. The most effective synergies are generated if the private sector and other ministries are involved in preparing DC initiatives at an early stage. To do so, Germany needs to define joint national goals, coordinate ministerial instruments to achieve these goals and evaluate contributions by the private sector in advance.
4. Create strategic partnerships that serve as models. Germany has established a number of bilateral partnerships, especially on energy, raw material security and migration. None of these is exemplary in terms of effective interministerial coordination, private sector involvement or demons-trable benefits for both of the countries involved. At least one flagship project in each of the areas mentioned would make Germany attractive as a credible partner.
5. Expand minilateral formats with European states and influential third countries. Triangular and quadrilateral cooperation with ‘global partners’ and donor countries that share the same or similar interests can help advance Germany’s interests in international development for the common good.
A May 2009 photo of an IDP camp outside the town of Vavuniya in northern Sri Lanka. Vavuniya was the site of an alleged massacre of more than 200 Tamil civilians by the army in 1985. Credit: UNICEF/Suzanne Davey
By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Aug 26 2025 (IPS)
Before his election, Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake vowed to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and amend the Online Safety Act in an effort to strengthen accountability, ethical justice, and freedom of expression. However, according to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), the government has not followed through on these commitments and continues to exploit systemic gaps that enable impunity and facilitate new abuses.
In January 2025, Dissanayake launched the Clean Sri Lanka project, an initiative designed to promote a self-sufficient national economy, introduce moral and ethical reforms, curb corruption, and address impunity for human rights abuses. Despite Sri Lanka’s humanitarian situation showing subtle signs of recovery since late 2024, humanitarian organizations have raised concerns over continued human rights violations and the absence of a clear plan for justice.
“Today, an opportunity presents itself for Sri Lanka to break from the past, with the leadership pledging a fresh direction on long-standing issues, including delivering justice to victims, restoring the rule of law, and eliminating discrimination and divisive politics,” said UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk. “ It now needs a comprehensive roadmap to translate these commitments into results.”
On August 8, OHCHR released a report documenting widespread human rights violations in Sri Lanka under Dissanayake’s administration, including the use of draconian laws to silence civilian dissent. The report underscored the government’s use of PTA to arbitrarily detain civilians of terrorism-related charges without evidence, disproportionately targeting members of the Tamil and Muslim minorities. According to OHCHR, there were 38 arbitrary arrests in 2024, and 49 in the first five months of 2025.
“Sri Lanka’s extensive domestic security apparatus routinely uses baseless accusations of terrorism to target innocent people, silencing critics and stigmatizing minority communities,” said Meenakshi Ganguly, Deputy Asia Director at Human Rights Watch (HRW). “For many Sri Lankans, baseless allegations of terrorism and sweeping powers provided by the PTA remain the most frightening and unaccountable method of repression.”
OHCHR also confirmed the use of torture and ill-treatment in detention centers, alongside at least 13 civilian deaths in police custody in 2024. Former detainees informed HRW that they had been subjected to torture during detention and have had extortion demands sent to their families for their release. Many of these former detainees continue to face harassment from security agencies, including dealing with home visits and intimidating phone calls.
In April of this year, 26-year old Muthuwadige Sathsara Nimesh died in police custody at Welikada Police Station, garnering significant media attention and allegations of police brutality. Nimesh’s mother informed reporters that when she went to the police station on April 2 to check on her son, she found that his clothes had been removed and his trousers had been discarded in a trash can.
This prompted an investigation that resulted in the suspension of two officers. The Committee for Protecting the Rights of Prisoners (CPRP) accused the police of causing Nimesh’s death through the use of violence, highlighting previous detainee deaths under similar circumstances. “Steps must be taken to stop these illegal acts by the police. Failure to do so will inevitably result in the collapse of the rule of law,” warned the CPRP.
Humanitarian experts have also raised concern over the considerable decline in civic space conditions, marked by severe limitations in the freedoms of speech and expression. On March 22, Mohamad Liyaudeen Mohamed Rusdi, a 20-year old Muslim salesman from Colombo, was arrested under PTA after CCTV footage caught him pasting a sticker in a mall that condemned the Israeli government for its actions towards the people of the Gaza Strip.
The Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka stated that there was a “total lack of evidence that Mr. Rusdi had committed any offense”, adding that it was “a stark example of the inherent dangers of the PTA and the propensity of law enforcement officials to deploy the PTA’s provisions in bad faith.”
OHCHR further reported that state security officials have employed enforced disappearances, surveillance, and harassment to intimidate human rights activists and their families, particularly those engaging with the United Nations (UN) or other international organizations. HRW interviewed numerous activists in Sri Lanka, with many stating that they had been warned by security personnel that they will be accused of terrorism for doing their jobs.
“Just yesterday a [police] CID person called me and said, ‘Where are you? What are you doing?’ They oppress us because they want to stop the information we can provide from reaching the international community,” a rights activist told HRW.
Furthermore, OHCHR stressed the need for revised frameworks that acknowledge the widespread human rights violations and deliver a definitive end to impunity for perpetrators. Over the past several years, public trust in government institutions and fact-finding missions has eroded significantly.
Current attempts by the government to establish accountability and justice rarely yield results. Over the past year, Sri Lankan authorities have reopened or expedited several high-profile cases of abduction, enforced disappearance, and retaliation against civilians for expressing public dissent. Only a small number of suspects were detained, including a few former military and navy officials.
OHCHR noted that none of the cases highlighted in its reports have yielded results. It added that progress on critical investigations remains limited, with many suspects acquitted or released and emblematic wartime and postwar crimes still unresolved, while new violations continue to occur.
“This process should start with a clear and formal acknowledgment of the violations, abuses and crimes that occurred,” said Türk. “These measures are crucial to realizing the Government’s vision of ‘national unity’ and above all ensuring there can never be recurrence of past violations.”
IPS UN Bureau Report
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