Határon túli magyar portálok összesített hírei

MTI: Szigorítják az éjszakai alkoholeladást és megtiltják az energiaitalok értékesítését a 18 év alattiak számára Horvátországban - a kereskedelmi törvény módosítását a kormánypártok és az ellenzék is támogatja.

Laut einer Studie der australischen Monash University kann das regelmässige Hören von Musik oder selbst Musizieren das Risiko, an Demenz zu erkranken, senken. Die Forschenden nutzten für ihre Analyse Daten aus zwei Langzeitstudien mit über 10'000 älteren Erwachsenen.

Fontos, hogy a NATO-szövetségesek a lehető legegyenletesebben osszák meg egymás között Ukrajna támogatását - jelentette ki Mark Rutte NATO-főtitkár pénteken (5. 22.) a svédországi Helsingborgban.

Kábítószerrel kapcsolatos bűncselekményekkel gyanúsít a rendőrség 4 férfit, akiket az Armata fedőnevű rajtaütés során vettek őrizetbe. Az eddigi információk szerint hosszú időn át metamfetamint terjesztettek, főként a Dunaszerdahelyi- és a Galántai (Galanta) járásban – közölte a Nagyszombati Kerületi Rendőrkapitányság.

Die Stars machen an den French Open ihre Boykott-Drohung wahr – und kritisieren im Preisgeld-Streit wiederholt die Veranstalter. Auch Belinda Bencic hat eine starke Meinung dazu.

Először találkozott személyesen Orbán Anita magyar és Andrij Szibiha ukrán külügyminiszter, és megállapodtak, hogy a jövő héten folytatódnak a kétoldalú szakértői konzultációk a nemzeti kisebbségekről - jelentette be az X-en az ukrán diplomácia vezetője.

International donors commit substantial resources to GovTech projects (the application of information and communication technologies to government functions). World Bank GovTech investments alone have exceeded $118 billion over the last three decades. Donor strategy documents consistently frame digital transformation not only as a vehicle for improved effectiveness but also for strengthening democracy.
Autocrats are equally invested in these tools. Globally, at least 88 authoritarian regimes currently operate GovTech projects, and electoral autocracies receive the largest share of GovTech aid (48.6 per cent of commitments). Beyond well-known surveillance applications, autocracies deploy GovTech for service delivery, grievance redress and even citizen engagement. These platforms are deployed to project an image of responsiveness and legitimacy. Our experimental evidence from Turkey shows how efficiency-enhancing GovTech tools, when paired with sophisticated regime communication, can durably entrench autocratic rule. We designed a survey experiment focused on CIMER, Turkey’s widely used citizen petition platform, to examine how citizens respond to the government propaganda surrounding it. The results show that the government’s framing of CIMER as an effective tool that “gets things done” significantly increased trust in authoritarian institutions, even among regime opponents. The effect extended beyond attitudes to behaviour: Asked to allocate a hypothetical donation of money among state institutions, independent non-governmental organisations (NGOs) or themselves, anti-government respondents exposed to messages on the platform were significantly more likely to give the money to state institutions. Our recommendations are as follows:
• Donors must take the second-order effects of GovTech initiatives seriously and develop mechanisms to carefully evaluate the risks of unintended consequences. In many cases, support for GovTech projects is overly optimistic regarding their effects on political openness. Adopting a more context-sensitive and realistic approach demands detailed political economy assessments before supporting GovTech projects and developing monitoring metrics that capture potential regime-legitimation effects.
• Donors need to build stronger safety guardrails into these projects. Depending on the political economy assessments, such measures could include the institutional involvement of international organisations or, if feasible, local NGOs (as conditionality) in platform oversight, mandatory independent audits and open data standards by design, among others.
• Finally, donors need to consider actively participating in public communication on these platforms, with visible donor branding, to counter government-controlled propaganda, claim credit for service delivery and strengthen trust in donor countries and organisations.

International donors commit substantial resources to GovTech projects (the application of information and communication technologies to government functions). World Bank GovTech investments alone have exceeded $118 billion over the last three decades. Donor strategy documents consistently frame digital transformation not only as a vehicle for improved effectiveness but also for strengthening democracy.
Autocrats are equally invested in these tools. Globally, at least 88 authoritarian regimes currently operate GovTech projects, and electoral autocracies receive the largest share of GovTech aid (48.6 per cent of commitments). Beyond well-known surveillance applications, autocracies deploy GovTech for service delivery, grievance redress and even citizen engagement. These platforms are deployed to project an image of responsiveness and legitimacy. Our experimental evidence from Turkey shows how efficiency-enhancing GovTech tools, when paired with sophisticated regime communication, can durably entrench autocratic rule. We designed a survey experiment focused on CIMER, Turkey’s widely used citizen petition platform, to examine how citizens respond to the government propaganda surrounding it. The results show that the government’s framing of CIMER as an effective tool that “gets things done” significantly increased trust in authoritarian institutions, even among regime opponents. The effect extended beyond attitudes to behaviour: Asked to allocate a hypothetical donation of money among state institutions, independent non-governmental organisations (NGOs) or themselves, anti-government respondents exposed to messages on the platform were significantly more likely to give the money to state institutions. Our recommendations are as follows:
• Donors must take the second-order effects of GovTech initiatives seriously and develop mechanisms to carefully evaluate the risks of unintended consequences. In many cases, support for GovTech projects is overly optimistic regarding their effects on political openness. Adopting a more context-sensitive and realistic approach demands detailed political economy assessments before supporting GovTech projects and developing monitoring metrics that capture potential regime-legitimation effects.
• Donors need to build stronger safety guardrails into these projects. Depending on the political economy assessments, such measures could include the institutional involvement of international organisations or, if feasible, local NGOs (as conditionality) in platform oversight, mandatory independent audits and open data standards by design, among others.
• Finally, donors need to consider actively participating in public communication on these platforms, with visible donor branding, to counter government-controlled propaganda, claim credit for service delivery and strengthen trust in donor countries and organisations.

A terveknek megfelelően halad a Volvo Kassa melletti gyárának építése, ősszel kezdődik a próbagyártás, és 2027-ben indítják be teljes kapacitással az üzemet. Jelenleg 600 alkalmazottja van a gyárnak, júniusban még 70-et vesznek fel, az év végéig pedig további 700-at – közölte Marc Gombeer, a Volvo Cars Košice igazgatója.

TASR: A Fekete-víz (Čierna voda) feletti M392-es híd felújítása miatt szombaton (5. 23.) 6:00 és 20:00 óra között teljesen szélességében lezárják a Diószeg és Nagyfödémes közötti másodrendű utat – tájékoztatta a TASR-t a nagyszombati megyeháza.

Ha május derekán parlamenti választást tartottak volna, a Progresszív Szlovákia győzött volna a szavazatok 19,7%-ával – derült ki az Ipsos ügynökség Denník N megbízásából készített felméréséből, amelyet május 15. és 20. között végeztek 1.009 személy lekérdezésével.

2026. 5. 22. Az SaS sajtótájékoztatója

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Bögellőnél végeztek műszaki mentést a tűzoltók, ahol egy autó a csatornában kötött ki a közúti hídnál. A személyautóban nem volt senki, üzemanyag-szivárgás nem történt.

A rendőrség veszélyes fenyegetés bűncselekményével gyanúsított meg egy fiatalkorút, aki szerdán Szobráncon fenyegetőzött, és egy éles tárgy is volt nála.

Iliman Ndiaye insists Senegal are African champions in "many people's eyes" despite a legal wrangle over the ultimate destination of the 2025 Afcon title.

Iliman Ndiaye insists Senegal are African champions in "many people's eyes" despite a legal wrangle over the ultimate destination of the 2025 Afcon title.

Policy coherence is widely regarded as essential for achieving sustainable development, climate targets, and reducing inequality, as reflected in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Recent scholarship has moved beyond technocratic approaches, drawing on comparative politics, particularly the “3 I's” of ideas, interests, and institutions, to highlight the inherently political nature of coherence. Yet even these studies often treat coherence as binary, easily observable, and intrinsically beneficial. Building on a coherence literature focused on discourses and frames, this paper challenges these assumptions by examining how policy (in)coherence is constructed and contested. Focusing on policy implementation in North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany's coal heartland, we analyse two cases before and during the 2022 energy crisis triggered by the war in Ukraine: the commissioning of the Datteln IV hard coal plant in 2020, and the clearance of the village of Lützerath for mining in 2023. Drawing on 28 semi-structured interviews with German energy, climate, and environmental experts, alongside policy and media analysis, we find that (in)coherence is greatly constructed and contested under shifting political and economic pressures, instrumentalised and legitimisatised by different actors to advance their interests, and profoundly shaped by temporal dynamics. Given recent findings that challenge the 2030 Agenda's assumption that policy coherence reduces inequalities, we also explore how (in)coherence is perceived to shape multidimensional inequality in the Energiewende more broadly. Here, we find that (in)coherence is most prominently perceived to cause delays in climate mitigation, disproportionately affecting youth, low-income households, migrants, and activists. In this context, (in)coherence is not merely technical, political nor constructed, but fundamentally a matter of justice, shifting the analytical focus from whether policies and their implementation are coherent to how, and for whom, coherence matters.

Policy coherence is widely regarded as essential for achieving sustainable development, climate targets, and reducing inequality, as reflected in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Recent scholarship has moved beyond technocratic approaches, drawing on comparative politics, particularly the “3 I's” of ideas, interests, and institutions, to highlight the inherently political nature of coherence. Yet even these studies often treat coherence as binary, easily observable, and intrinsically beneficial. Building on a coherence literature focused on discourses and frames, this paper challenges these assumptions by examining how policy (in)coherence is constructed and contested. Focusing on policy implementation in North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany's coal heartland, we analyse two cases before and during the 2022 energy crisis triggered by the war in Ukraine: the commissioning of the Datteln IV hard coal plant in 2020, and the clearance of the village of Lützerath for mining in 2023. Drawing on 28 semi-structured interviews with German energy, climate, and environmental experts, alongside policy and media analysis, we find that (in)coherence is greatly constructed and contested under shifting political and economic pressures, instrumentalised and legitimisatised by different actors to advance their interests, and profoundly shaped by temporal dynamics. Given recent findings that challenge the 2030 Agenda's assumption that policy coherence reduces inequalities, we also explore how (in)coherence is perceived to shape multidimensional inequality in the Energiewende more broadly. Here, we find that (in)coherence is most prominently perceived to cause delays in climate mitigation, disproportionately affecting youth, low-income households, migrants, and activists. In this context, (in)coherence is not merely technical, political nor constructed, but fundamentally a matter of justice, shifting the analytical focus from whether policies and their implementation are coherent to how, and for whom, coherence matters.