By Reylynne Dela Paz
MANILA, Philippines, Dec 15 2025 (IPS)
A global crackdown on civic freedoms is intensifying – and women are on the frontlines of the attack. CIVICUS’s 2025 People Power Under Attack report analyses the extent to which freedoms of association, expression and peaceful assembly are being respected or violated. The report reveals that people in 83 countries now live in conditions where their freedoms are routinely denied, compared to 67 in 2020. In 2020, 13 per cent of the world’s population lived in countries where civic freedoms were broadly respected; now it’s more like 7 per cent. Among the most documented violations in 2025 were detention of human rights defenders, journalists and protesters, and women human rights defenders (WHRDs) were among the most affected.
Reylynne Dela Paz
Women human rights defenders in the spotlightWHRDs are women and girls, in all their diversity, working on any human rights issue, and those who promote women’s and girls’ rights and gender justice. They include people in civil society who might not self-identify as human rights defenders and those who work in fields such as environmental activism, humanitarian response, journalism and peacebuilding.
WHRDs are at a higher risk of being discriminated against and abused not only for what they do, but also because of who they are. By virtue of their gender identity, they challenge societal norms and patriarchal structures. The 2025 People Power Under Attack report, for example, documents numerous examples of online intimidation and threats against women journalists, both because of their journalistic work and because they’re women.
Attacks against women and girls in general and WHRDs in particular are increasingly being fuelled by rising authoritarian rule, fundamentalism and populism. Governments, politicians and non-state groups are taking more confident and strident anti-rights actions, fuelling an environment where repression and violence against WHRDs is not only possible but celebrated.
Anti-rights networks, led by populist politicians and fundamentalist religious groups, are engaging in coordinated, sustained and increasingly influential work to stigmatise campaigns for women’s rights and gender justice and those involved in them. They spread the idea that gender justice and those who strive for it threaten children’s welfare, families, religious beliefs, national security and traditional and cultural norms. They’re manipulating public narratives and weaponising disinformation to gain public support.
This has given rise to decreased support for HIV prevention projects, queer movements, sexual, reproductive health and rights initiatives, women’s and girls’ participation in decision-making spaces and any human rights effort led by women, including those on climate and environmental justice, disability, Indigenous rights and peace and security.
CIVICUS’s Stand As My Witness Campaign, which calls for the release of unjustly detained human rights defenders, shows how brutal the current context is for WHRDs. It documents stories of violent arrests, inhumane treatment and other cruel actions against women who have dedicated their lives to pursuing justice and resisting repressive governments. WHRDs Pakhshan Azizi, Sharifeh Mohammadi and Verisheh Moradi are facing death sentences in Iran. Narges Mohammadi, an Iranian human rights activist and journalist who was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2023, has also been imprisoned repeatedly for her work.
Other WHRDs who have been arbitrarily arrested include Chow Hang-Tung from Hong Kong, who advocated for the protection and promotion of labour rights and the rights of persecuted human rights defenders in mainland China, Marfa Rabkova, coordinator of Viasna Center for Human Rights’ network of volunteers in Belarus, Kenia Hernandez, coordinator of Zapata Vive, a peasant movement that defends land rights in Mexico, and Hoda Abdel Moneim, a human rights lawyer from Egypt.
I know a mother who helped farmers learn about their rights but was falsely accused of illegally possessing firearms. She was dragged from her house carrying her newborn child. I recall an old woman who has spent her days helping empower Indigenous people but who was harshly arrested and denied medical treatment while in jail, a trans woman who joined a protest and was arrested for no other reason than being a trans protester, and a girl activist who was harassed online for sharing her thoughts against child marriage.
Beyond commemoration
These few painful stories represent only a fraction of reality. The problem is systemic. The world is dominated by cowardly rulers who draw confidence and power from dominant systems of patriarchy and support from anti-rights networks. The restriction of freedoms online and offline make it more difficult and dangerous to hold those in power accountable.
The intensifying repression of civic space, as documented in People Power Under Attack, demands coordinated and sustained action to defend and support the work of activists, human rights defenders and journalists. Increasing threats against WHRDs demand a proactive response to dismantle the gender discriminatory norms and patriarchal rules that underpin and enable human rights violations.
There’s a great need for intersectional protection mechanisms and gender transformative responses from national, regional and international human rights institutions. It’s time for policies that protect human rights defenders but also recognise the distinct needs and lived experiences of WHRDs in all their diversity.
Multilateral institutions should hold member states to account for the international commitments they have made. Regional and global intergovernmental institutions should invest in closely monitoring the situation of WHRDs and in protecting them, and hold perpetrators accountable for abuses. There should be increased investment and coordinated efforts to promote gender justice as part of human rights and respond to the disinformation and false narratives being spread online by governments and the private sector.
The Sustainable Development Goals, backed by all states when they were agreed in 2015, recognise gender equality as a fundamental part of achieving sustainable development, yet little effort has gone into ensuring the people who strive for this are safe and able to work. Women and girls play a vital role in the pursuit of peace and justice, but they increasingly suffer. They don’t need to be merely recognised and remembered: they need to be protected and supported in the face of growing attacks.
Reylynne Dela Paz is Advocacy Lead at CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation.
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Alicia Villamizar presents the findings of the Second Academic Report on Climate Change. Credit: Margaret López/IPS
By Margaret López
CARACAS, Dec 15 2025 (IPS)
A group of 55 researchers gathered and analyzed 1,260 bibliographic references to compile the Second Academic Report on Climate Change in Venezuela. Their final conclusion is that more local studies are still needed to record the direct impacts across different Venezuelan regions and, in particular, to provide data to design the adaptation plans necessary to address climate change.
“Vulnerability varies greatly across the country. If an adaptation policy is to be defined, it cannot be a one-size-fits-all approach. Adaptation is tailor-made, which is why local data is so important,” warned Alicia Villamizar, general coordinator of the research carried out by the Academy of Physical, Mathematical and Natural Sciences (Acfiman), in an interview with IPS.
The review of scientific papers, university research, books, global reports, and specialized databases on the impacts of climate change took four full years.
This research involved professionals from 25 different institutions, including the Universidad Central de Venezuela (UCV) and Universidad Simón Bolívar (USB). It was presented at the Palace of Academies in early December.
The researchers highlighted the lack of historical and recent data on changes in temperature, precipitation, and sea level rise at the local level, three key elements for understanding climate change in the country.
They also reported the lack of scientific studies on the risk assessment of heat waves, droughts, and forest fires for different climate scenarios in Venezuela. Nor did they identify any recent research on the genetic improvement of crops to safeguard the country’s food security following changes in national temperature.
Corals Affected by High Temperatures
Among the findings of the report that are noteworthy is that Venezuela’s average temperature increased by 0.22°C per decade between 1980 and 2015.
The southern part of Lake Maracaibo (Zulia), the Paraguaná Peninsula (Falcón), and the western plains (Apure, Barinas, and Portuguesa), all located in western Venezuela, were the areas most affected by this temperature increase, which provides evidence of climate change.
Villamizar, coordinator of the first chapter of the report and researcher at the Institute of Zoology and Tropical Ecology at the UCV, highlighted the impact that this temperature increase had on Venezuelan coral reefs.
“There is not a single coral reef that has not been affected,” said Villamizar, a specialist in the study of marine ecosystems, during the public presentation of the results in Caracas.
Higher sea temperatures are another factor that has allowed the rapid expansion of the soft coral Unomia stolonifera in Venezuelan waters. This invasive species arrived from the Indian Ocean to the coasts of Anzoátegui and Sucre in eastern Venezuela and also to the waters of Aragua in the center of the country.
It is estimated that half of the seabed of Mochima National Park (Anzoátegui) is already covered with this soft coral, according to a report by the civil association Unomia Project.
The death of native corals in this area is a consequence of the colonization of this invasive species, which has been favored by climate change conditions. The rapid expansion of Unomia stolonifera also affects starfish, sponges, and marine worms.
More Economic Risks
The research also highlighted that climate change contributed to a reduction of between 0.97 percent and 1.30 percent in the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) between 2010 and 2020, partly due to rising temperatures and increased rainfall.
Venezuela faced, for example, more than 20 flooding events between 2000 and 2019. The most direct consequences of these floods resulted in economic losses valued at more than USD 1 billion.
The GDP projection, in fact, is that Venezuela will lose another 10 points by 2030, due to rising sea levels that threaten port infrastructure, fishing activities, and tourism.
“The substantial value of this Second Academic Report is that it offers invaluable information for those who make decisions on city and national issues,” said biologist Joaquín Benítez, who did not participate in the study and gave his opinion on the findings in an interview with IPS.
The main challenge with climate change in Venezuela, not surprisingly, is to get more attention from the government. The country still does not have a national law on climate change, a national climate strategy, or a national plan for climate change mitigation and adaptation.
That is why Villamizar repeated during the presentation that her goal is for this scientific report “not to remain confined to academia,” but rather to serve as a catalyst for more local scientific research and to strengthen the institutional muscle in charge of directing climate adaptation in Venezuela.
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Digitalization is transforming how we learn, work and participate in civic life. UNDP is supporting countries seeking to ensure that digital systems empower people and uphold their rights. Credit: UNDP Trinidad and Tobago
By Daria Asmolova, Arindrajit Basu and Roqaya Dhaif
UNITED NATIONS, Dec 15 2025 (IPS)
Within a generation, digital systems have changed much of how we learn, work and participate in civic life, especially in more connected regions. This shift is unfolding at different speeds in developing countries, but the direction of travel is unmistakable.
The question countries face today isn’t whether digital development should happen, but how to ensure that digital systems empower individuals and communities, upholding everyone’s rights.
As countries deepen their digital transitions, ensuring that rights protections keep pace becomes a shared challenge. UNDP’s Digital Rights Dashboard (DRD) is designed to help clarify that landscape and serves as an essential first step toward deeper inquiry and action on protecting human rights in a digital world.
Why the Digital Rights Dashboard?
UNDP’s Digital Development Compass and Digital Readiness Assessment already help countries understand where they stand in their digital journey. Yet one critical dimension needed sharper focus: how countries are set up to protect human rights in the digital space.
The DRD fills that gap by examining four essential rights online: freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of assembly and association, equality and non-discrimination, and privacy. It also explores cross-cutting factors like connectivity and rule of law, the foundations that make all online rights possible.
The DRD provides a structured framework for assessing the policies, regulations, and enabling environments that shape digital rights across over 140 countries. It does not rank or evaluate countries. Instead, it serves as a catalyst for dialogue among governments, civil society, international organizations, and development partners to identify gaps and work together on solutions.
The DRD follows the methodology of the Digital Development Compass, one requirement of which is data coverage of at least 135 countries, the most challenging constraint. Comprehensive data on digital rights remains limited, making it difficult to fully capture how well environments are structured to protect rights in practice.
To address this fragmentation of data, we developed the Digital Rights Foundations database as an additional data source for the DRD. Another challenge is that legal and policy frameworks do not always reflect realities on the ground.
For example, the existence of a data protection law or hate speech regulation does not guarantee enforcement; laws may be unevenly applied, and important processes such as public consultations and participatory policy design often fall outside what indicators can capture.
For these reasons, we recommend using the DRD as an entry point, a tool that highlights where deeper national analysis and dialogue are needed, rather than a definitive assessment of digital rights protections.
What we learned from five pilot countries
To test its practical application and assess how well it could guide rights-based digital development conversations in diverse contexts, UNDP piloted the DRD in Colombia, Lebanon, Mauritania, North Macedonia, and Samoa. The findings illustrate the importance of country-driven digital rights dialogues.
Colombia—strong frameworks, evolving needs
The DRD reflects that Colombia has ratified key international conventions and established legislation to protect digital rights, including a data protection law. Yet consultations revealed areas where legislation—such as intelligence-related surveillance—could be further aligned with international human rights standards.
A strong multi-stakeholder approach to rights-based digital development emerged as a promising pathway. For example, civil society efforts to counter hate speech and UNDP’s support to digitalize justice services demonstrate how digital tools can strengthen equality and safety, particularly in conflict-affected regions.
Samoa—building rights into digitalization from the start
While still in the early stages of its rights-based digital development journey, Samoa is proactively engaging stakeholders to shape inclusive data governance and cybersecurity policies. Samoa is also integrating technology into its programmes to protect human rights, including the right to equality and non-discrimination.
Partnerships with organizations like the Samoa Victim’s Support Group, supported by UNDP, show how digital platforms (helplines, secure communication channels) can advance the right to equality and non-discrimination by protecting the rights of vulnerable groups, particularly women and survivors of domestic violence.
Lebanon—protecting digital rights amid crisis
Lebanon’s experience highlights the difficulties of upholding digital rights during conflict, where disruptions to connectivity and freedom of expression are impacted. Yet, safeguarding the foundations of digital rights can also bolster resilience to crisis, as it enables individuals and communities to maximize the opportunities of the digital space.
UNDP collaborated with the National Anti-Corruption Committee to implement its recent legislation on access to information by incorporating digital tools. This illustrates how transparency and the right to information, core elements of freedom of expression, can strengthen accountability even in fragile settings.
Moving forward: a starting point for collective action
Across all five pilot countries, one lesson was clear: rights-based digital development strengthens institutions, empowers communities, and builds trust in digital systems. The DRD has limitations, and more robust data will be needed as the field evolves, but it creates a shared understanding of where protections are strong and where gaps persist.
The pilots also show that countries and stakeholders do not need perfect metrics before taking action. By combining the DRD’s insights with national expertise, human rights reporting, and civil society perspectives, governments can begin shaping digital development that respects and protects human rights both online and offline.
Daria Asmolova is Digital Specialist, UNDP; Arindrajit Basu is Digital Rights Researcher, UNDP; &
Roqaya Dhaif is Human Rights Policy Specialist, UNDP
Source: UNDP
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Since the 1990s, the G7 has increasingly addressed gender equality in its political declarations. Treating gender equality initially as a challenge to be tackled mainly abroad, the group later acknowledged the need for change in its member countries too. In addition, over the years the G7 shifted from focusing on economic inclusion of women as a means to increase economic growth to considering gender equality as a goal in itself, to be addressed in other policy fields also. To what extent this changing approach to gender equality in the G7's declarations has influenced policy changes within G7 countries and abroad is hard to assess. In principle, the G7 has the potential to exercise two functions with respect to gender equality. First, the G7 might coordinate group members’ national policies and the activities of international organisations in this area. However, given the democratic deficits of the G7, it is questionable whether it is desirable for the group to exercise this function, especially since it does not seem necessary for the effectiveness of gender equality policies that these policies are internationally coordinated. Second, the G7 could serve as a forum for the transnational exchange of experiences and ideas.