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Sanitation and proper disposal of human waste are key to a dignified life. The importance of maintaining reasonable standards of sanitation is acknowledged in the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDG target 6.2) as well as in the Art. 43, I b from the Constitution of Kenya (Government of Kenya, 2010). However, the integration of sanitation policies, their associated legislations and lived practices, and their implications for the environment and human health remain opaque. Understanding is particularly limited regarding sanitation governance in Kenya’s fast-growing secondary cities, where responsibility for sanitation has only recently been devolved from the national to the county level. Our study examines these complex interactions, shedding light on how power relations constitute a determining factor in shaping the access to sanitation and its unequal socio-environmental hybridities. Empirically, we focus on three sub-locations in Nakuru City. Nakuru City has been described as a role model in the Kenyan context. Our research design combines both a quantitative, georeferenced household survey and qualitative, semi-structured interviews with actors at various levels. Our descriptive, regression and qualitative content analyses of the collected data reveal that levels of political interest vary considerably. Collaboration along the on-site sanitation service chain and with other sectors, such as solid waste management, presents numerous challenges, and a significant discrepancy exists in degrees of access to safe sanitation between and within sub-locations. As value-driven leadership at a time of heightened political attention has made Nakuru’s role as a “sanitation champion” possible, we believe that many of these challenges can be overcome with increased collective awareness and a more substantial political commitment to realise the constitutionally guaranteed right to sanitation.
Marius Bug, Maria Gerlspeck, Aline-Victoria Grassl, Saskia Metz, Johannes S. Vogel and Carolin Wicke were junior researchers and participants in the 58th Postgraduate Training Programme 2022/2023 of the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS).
Written by Piotr Bąkowski.
International Anti-Corruption Day is marked every year on 9 December, to raise awareness of the negative effects of corruption on all areas of life. While difficult to measure, corruption entails not only economic but also social and political costs. International and EU anti-corruption efforts have translated into a multi-layered policy and legal framework. The European Parliament has called repeatedly for strengthened EU anti-corruption rules.
Background Why an International Anti-Corruption Day?On 31 October 2003, the United Nations (UN) General Assembly adopted the UN Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) and designated 9 December as International Anti-Corruption Day, to raise awareness of corruption and of the role of the convention in combating and preventing it. The 2025 edition of International Anti-Corruption Day, dubbed Uniting with Youth Against Corruption: Shaping Tomorrow’s Integrity builds on the campaign launched on International Anti-Corruption Day 2024. It thus continues to place young people at the heart of anti-corruption efforts as ‘guardians of integrity’, empowering them to ‘strengthen accountability, uphold integrity and help build corruption-resilient institutions’.
Cost and prevalence of corruptionWhile corruption is difficult to measure, it is known to be costly, in economic but also in political and social terms. It hampers growth and the distribution of benefits across populations, by undermining trust in public institutions, weakening the state’s capacity to perform its core functions and hindering public and private investment. In 2016, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) estimated the yearly cost of bribery alone at between US$1.5 trillion and US$2 trillion (around 2 % of global gross domestic product – GDP). For the EU, the 2016 EPRS cost of non-Europe report found that corruption costs the EU economy between €179 billion and €990 billion per year, representing up to 6 % of EU GDP. A 2023 update found that that further EU action to tackle the corruption risk could generate up to €58.5 billion per year by 2032.
Moreover, corruption facilitates the infiltration of organised crime networks in all sectors of society, including politics and law enforcement. According to Europol, corruption is ’embedded in the very DNA of crime’, not only as a criminal act in itself, but also as an enabler and catalyst for serious and organised crime.
The 2024 Transparency International (TI) Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) reveals that little progress has been made in reducing perceived corruption levels across the world, with the global average rate unchanged for 13 years in a row (43 out of 100 points, with 100 meaning perceived as the least corrupt). No country is exempt from corruption. According to TI, anti-corruption efforts have stalled in Europe too: even though western Europe and the EU still register the best scores (averaging 64 out of 100), their average has dropped for the second consecutive year. Significant differences persist within the EU: while six EU countries are in the top 10, seven score less than 50 out of 100). TI’s 2021 Global Corruption Barometer, dedicated to the EU, shows that 62 % of respondents consider government corruption to be a big problem in their country, while 30 % pay a bribe or use a personal connection to access public services. Recent Eurobarometer surveys on perception of corruption by EU citizens and businesses show a similar picture: 69 % of citizens believe that corruption is still widespread in their country. Similarly, a large share of EU businesses (63 %) point to widespread corruption; and 78 % agree that excessively close links between business and politics in their country lead to corruption.
Global response to corruption International frameworkThe very first international anti-corruption instrument was adopted in 1997. With the Anti-Bribery Convention, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) introduced a legally binding obligation to criminalise bribery, focusing on the ‘supply side’ of bribery transactions. There are 45 parties to the convention, and in 2021, they agreed on a new Anti-Bribery Recommendation, designed to reinforce prevention, detection and investigation of foreign bribery.
In 1999, the Council of Europe (CoE) adopted the Civil Law Convention on Corruption and the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption. The Criminal Law Convention aims at the coordinated criminalisation of a large number of corrupt practices and better international cooperation in the prosecution of corruption offences. The Civil Law Convention was the first attempt to define common international rules in the field of civil law and corruption, providing effective remedies for persons having suffered damage as a result of corruption.
The above-mentioned 2003 UN Convention against Corruption is the only universal legally binding instrument addressing corruption cooperation, asset recovery, and technical assistance and information exchange. The convention requires state parties to establish as criminal offences many different forms of corruption, such as bribery, trading in influence, abuse of functions, and various acts of corruption in the private sector. At present, 192 states have joined the convention and committed to its obligations.
EU actionAll EU Member States are party to the UNCAC and the CoE conventions, and are bound by corresponding standards. However, the EU has sought to coordinate and support Member States’ efforts. As part of its anti-corruption policy, the EU has adopted several instruments, including legislation on corruption in the private sector, on public procurement rules, on anti-money-laundering efforts and on whistleblower protection. Protection of the EU budget, including against corruption, is governed by the 2017 Directive on the fight against fraud to the Union’s financial interests (PIF Directive) and falls within the competence of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO). The EU has also sought to address corruption outside its territory through its external action and international trade tools, such as trade agreements and human rights dialogues. In 2023, the European Commission presented an anti-corruption package aiming to reform the EU’s anti-corruption legislative and policy framework and to update the EU sanctions toolbox to include corruption, as advocated by Parliament. In December 2025, the European Parliament and the Council reached a provisional agreement on the EU anti-corruption directive, the core element of the package.
European Parliament positionThe European Parliament has addressed corruption, both within the EU and in the context of external policies, in numerous resolutions and reports. Most recently, it examined the planned dissolution of key anti-corruption structures in Slovakia. Earlier, the Parliament looked into systemic challenges to the rule of law and deficiencies in the fight against corruption across the EU, focusing for instance on measures to prevent corruption and the misuse of national and EU funds. Moreover, it has addressed corruption in its own ranks, as illustrated by its December 2022, February 2023 and July 2023 resolutions seeking to strengthen transparency, accountability and integrity in the EU institutions. Parliament has called repeatedly either for legislative amendments to extend the scope of the current EU global human rights sanctions regime to cover corruption, or for a new sanctions regime to address serious acts of corruption. In February 2022, Parliament adopted recommendations on corruption and human rights, calling for an EU global anti-corruption strategy, enhanced support for anti-corruption capacity-building, and a strengthened EU anti-corruption framework.
This is an update of a publication from December 2023.
Read this ‘at a glance’ note on ‘International Anti-Corruption Day‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.
Two years ago, a Karam tree branch brought from another district was being planted in the SAMS office premises along the Shyamnagar-Munshiganj road, but it didn't survive. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS
By Rafiqul Islam Montu
SATKHIRA, Bangladesh, Dec 9 2025 (IPS)
A dried karam tree branch stands on the bank of a pond in a field in Datinakhali village adjacent to the Sundarbans. Despite many efforts, the tree could not be saved.
For two years, the Munda community in Bangladesh’s Sundarbans had been fighting to save the Karam tree so that they could bring back their traditional Karam festival—once the biggest festival in their community. Many trees are unable to survive due to the effects of salinity—this list includes the Karam tree, which is the main ingredient in celebrating the festival.
Bhakta Sardar, a priest from the Munda community, says the festival of the indigenous Munda community would be incomplete without the branches of the Karam tree
“We believe that our prosperity and well-being are hidden in the branches of the Karam tree. We pray to God to achieve our prosperity around this festival. But frequent cyclones and salinity have killed the Karam trees.”
“Now we celebrate this festival in its name only for the prosperity of the community. We cannot leave the festival for the next generation,” added Bhakta Sardar, referring to a smaller festival where the community uses fig tree branches as an alternative.
While the debate about how to integrate non-economic losses and damages due to the impact of climate change continued during the 30th Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC (COP30) in Belém, Brazil, the Munda community is looking for ways to revive the Karam festival, a symbol of their prosperity. A recent study emphasized that these non-economic losses and damages included the loss of religious and cultural practices.
The study says that climate risks are increasing on the coast of Bangladesh. The risk is even higher in the southwest. If this situation continues in the future, small communities like the indigenous Munda community will be in even greater crisis. The study called for policy and financial reform to assist communities like this to adapt to the impacts of climate change.
In Search of the Karam Tree
The scientific name of the Karam tree is Mitragyna parvifolia. This tree in the Asian region is also known as Kelikadam. It mainly blooms before the monsoon. As the Karam tree has disappeared, the indigenous Munda community of Bangladesh now celebrates a similar festival on a smaller scale, with branches of a fig tree. The scientific name of this tree is Ficus religiosa.
There were once many Karam trees in the villages of southwestern Bangladesh. Datinakhali, adjacent to the Sundarbans in the Shyamnagar upazila (subdistrict) of Satkhira district, is one such village. This village celebrated the Karam festival with a grand event, with people from the Munda community from different areas joining in.
In addition to their time-honored religious tradition, the community in this village on the banks of the Chuna River faces economic difficulties.
The indigenous Munda community lives in several villages adjacent to the Sundarbans in Koyra upazila (sub-district) of Khulna district in southwestern Bangladesh.
Shukkuri Rani Munda used to attend the Karam festival organized in the courtyard of Fulsingh Munda’s house in Uttar Haztakhali village.
“To everyone now, the festival feels like a myth. A storm has swept away the entire festival. The next generation will forget the name of the Karam festival,” she says.
Munda Young Balai Krishna Sardar (38), president of the Sundarban Adivasi Unnayan Sangstha of that village, cannot recall attending the festival. Rangalal Munda’s 60-year-old father, Fulsingh Munda, witnessed a small-scale celebration five years ago. After Fulsingh’s death a year ago, no one in the village now knows how to initiate the Karam festival.
Geeta Rani Munda, 42, lives precariously in Datinakhali village, adjacent to the Sundarbans. She wants the Karam festival to return for her prosperity. Credit: Rafiqul Islam Montu/IPS
‘A Symbol of Our Faith’
The Munda community holds the belief that the branches of this tree conceal prosperity and well-being. They believe that the Karam festival ensures their good health and the well-being of future generations. Various tribal communities in Jharkhand, West Bengal, and Bihar, India, celebrate this festival with the same beliefs. Indigenous communities like Munda, Mahato, Kurmi, Matato, Santal, Orao, Baraik, Singh, Pahan, Mahali, Bhumij, etc., all celebrate the Karam festival.
“The Karam festival is our faith. Perhaps our economic condition is gradually deteriorating because we cannot follow our religious instructions,” said Anandini Rani Munda of Datinakhali village, articulating the belief that religious and economic wellbeing are intrinsically interlinked.
Nilkant Pahan, a priest of Burigoalini village in Shyamnagar upazila (sub-district), had been conducting the puja (religious ceremony) of the Munda community for eight years. He has organized the Karam festival several times following the ancestral tradition. But they were small events.
“Celebrating the Karam festival is our religious tradition. Our ancestors observed this tradition. We are trying to maintain its continuity. We are facing a much greater socio-economic and cultural crisis than before. We do not know what this crisis is because we cannot observe religious traditions,” Pahan says.
Impact of salinity
During Cyclone Aila in 2009, the entire area was submerged in the wave of salt water that broke the dam. The land was submerged in salt water for a long time, and the Karam trees could no longer survive. Many elderly Munda citizens believe that not only Aila but also other cyclones, especially a strong cyclone that hit the region in 1988, helped reduce the number of Karam trees.
GM Mostafizur Rahman, Chief Scientific Officer of Khulna Soil Resources Institute, said, “Both the intensity and extent of salinity in soil and water are increasing due to climate change; 81 percent of land in Shyamnagar is affected by varying degrees of salinity.”
Professor Saleh Ahmed Khan, Department of Botany, Jahangirnagar University, said, “The tree that the Munda community calls the ‘Karam’ tree is ‘Kelikadam.’ We did not find it among the 528 species under our research. The tree may not have survived due to the spread of salinity.”
Fight To Bring Back the Karam Festival
The Sundarbans Adivasi Munda Sangstha (SAMS) and leading members of the Munda community are working to bring back the Karam tree. They are trying to bring back the Karam festival by bringing branches of the Karam tree from other districts.
Two years ago, a branch of the Karam tree was planted in the SAMS office premises on the Shyamnagar-Munshiganj road, and another branch was planted in the Munda-dominated Datinakhali village. But it was not possible to save the tree. They will try again next year.
“We celebrate the Karam festival for our prosperity. We are trying to save the Karam trees for the festival. But due to salinity in the soil, the Karam trees cannot be saved. As an alternative, we use the branches of the fig (Ficus religiosa) tree,” said Geeta Rani Munda of Datinakhali village.
Krishnapada Sardar, Executive Director of SAMS, said it wasn’t enough that this festival only survives in the stories of elders.
“It was a major event in the rural culture of this community, which is proud of its identity. Climate change has changed the food habits of the Munda community, and the opportunities for livelihood have narrowed. The families of the community are facing an extreme economic crisis.
“Our lost festivals can be brought back by restoring the Karam tree. We want to return to our lost traditions. We want to return to our roots.”
IPS UN Bureau Report
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