Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Africa is urbanising at an unprecedented pace and scale. Despite all the challenges, urbanisation represents a unique opportunity for the structural transformation and development of the continent – if the right measures are taken and supported in time, writes Michael Roll (IDOS).

Africa is urbanising at an unprecedented pace and scale. Despite all the challenges, urbanisation represents a unique opportunity for the structural transformation and development of the continent – if the right measures are taken and supported in time, writes Michael Roll (IDOS).

Africa is urbanising at an unprecedented pace and scale. Despite all the challenges, urbanisation represents a unique opportunity for the structural transformation and development of the continent – if the right measures are taken and supported in time, writes Michael Roll (IDOS).

Poverty and gender equality are at the heart of the 2030 Agenda and are key strategic areas for Germany’s Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ). It has been often argued that poverty is gendered: at the 1995 UN World Conference on Women, 70 per cent of the world’s poor was said to be female. However, that figure is not backed by sound scientific evidence. There are several challenges to examining the relationship between gender and poverty. The main one is that monetary poverty is calculated at the household level: it is not possible to distinguish the poverty status of different household members. Theoretically, it is possible to analyse poverty by gender by focusing on non-monetary dimensions, as several feminist scholars advocate. However, the most well-known indices of multidimensional poverty have the same problems as those for income poverty: they are computed at the household level. Therefore, we do not really know if – or to what extent – poverty is gendered. Recent studies conducted by IDOS researchers help fill this gap by analysing gender disparities in multidimensional poverty in more than 80 low- and middle-income countries and using individual-level indices, which encompass three dimensions: education, health and employment. This policy brief summarises the main findings of the IDOS studies and presents key policy recommendations. The research reveals the female face of poverty. In recent years, female multidimensional poverty has been higher than male multidimensional poverty almost everywhere: on average, the former is about 70 per cent higher than the latter. Depending on the specific poverty index used, women make up between 54 and 63 per cent of the impoverished population. Gender disparities vary substantially across the world: the largest disparities are visible in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and South Asia. The research also shows that from the late 1990s/early 2000s most countries experienced increased gender disparities in poverty, a process often referred to as the “feminisation of poverty”. This largely occurred in Europe and Central Asia, as well as in Latin America and the Caribbean. The very large gender disparities in MENA and South Asia have persisted for decades. The studies also find that the increase in gender disparities occurred especially in rural areas and was mostly driven by an increase in disparities in access to paid employment. To tackle the gendered nature of poverty, we recommend:
• Incentivising women’s employment and pro-moting the care economy. Care policies can partly free women from their care duties and/or recognise the economic value of care work, thereby increasing employment opportunities for women. Expanding the (professional) care sector – and more generally, the service sector – also creates job opportunities for women.
• Adopting gender-responsive social protection. Cash transfers can benefit women in particular but should include clear gender-equality goals and be designed to challenge existing gender norms (rather than reinforce them).
• Tackling gender norms. Eliminating discriminatory laws and regulations can help in the short term; education and awareness campaigns are critical in the long run.
• Advocating for and realising the (gender) data revolution. It is necessary to invest in ad-hoc data collection focused on individual and female experiences of poverty.

Poverty and gender equality are at the heart of the 2030 Agenda and are key strategic areas for Germany’s Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ). It has been often argued that poverty is gendered: at the 1995 UN World Conference on Women, 70 per cent of the world’s poor was said to be female. However, that figure is not backed by sound scientific evidence. There are several challenges to examining the relationship between gender and poverty. The main one is that monetary poverty is calculated at the household level: it is not possible to distinguish the poverty status of different household members. Theoretically, it is possible to analyse poverty by gender by focusing on non-monetary dimensions, as several feminist scholars advocate. However, the most well-known indices of multidimensional poverty have the same problems as those for income poverty: they are computed at the household level. Therefore, we do not really know if – or to what extent – poverty is gendered. Recent studies conducted by IDOS researchers help fill this gap by analysing gender disparities in multidimensional poverty in more than 80 low- and middle-income countries and using individual-level indices, which encompass three dimensions: education, health and employment. This policy brief summarises the main findings of the IDOS studies and presents key policy recommendations. The research reveals the female face of poverty. In recent years, female multidimensional poverty has been higher than male multidimensional poverty almost everywhere: on average, the former is about 70 per cent higher than the latter. Depending on the specific poverty index used, women make up between 54 and 63 per cent of the impoverished population. Gender disparities vary substantially across the world: the largest disparities are visible in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and South Asia. The research also shows that from the late 1990s/early 2000s most countries experienced increased gender disparities in poverty, a process often referred to as the “feminisation of poverty”. This largely occurred in Europe and Central Asia, as well as in Latin America and the Caribbean. The very large gender disparities in MENA and South Asia have persisted for decades. The studies also find that the increase in gender disparities occurred especially in rural areas and was mostly driven by an increase in disparities in access to paid employment. To tackle the gendered nature of poverty, we recommend:
• Incentivising women’s employment and pro-moting the care economy. Care policies can partly free women from their care duties and/or recognise the economic value of care work, thereby increasing employment opportunities for women. Expanding the (professional) care sector – and more generally, the service sector – also creates job opportunities for women.
• Adopting gender-responsive social protection. Cash transfers can benefit women in particular but should include clear gender-equality goals and be designed to challenge existing gender norms (rather than reinforce them).
• Tackling gender norms. Eliminating discriminatory laws and regulations can help in the short term; education and awareness campaigns are critical in the long run.
• Advocating for and realising the (gender) data revolution. It is necessary to invest in ad-hoc data collection focused on individual and female experiences of poverty.

Poverty and gender equality are at the heart of the 2030 Agenda and are key strategic areas for Germany’s Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ). It has been often argued that poverty is gendered: at the 1995 UN World Conference on Women, 70 per cent of the world’s poor was said to be female. However, that figure is not backed by sound scientific evidence. There are several challenges to examining the relationship between gender and poverty. The main one is that monetary poverty is calculated at the household level: it is not possible to distinguish the poverty status of different household members. Theoretically, it is possible to analyse poverty by gender by focusing on non-monetary dimensions, as several feminist scholars advocate. However, the most well-known indices of multidimensional poverty have the same problems as those for income poverty: they are computed at the household level. Therefore, we do not really know if – or to what extent – poverty is gendered. Recent studies conducted by IDOS researchers help fill this gap by analysing gender disparities in multidimensional poverty in more than 80 low- and middle-income countries and using individual-level indices, which encompass three dimensions: education, health and employment. This policy brief summarises the main findings of the IDOS studies and presents key policy recommendations. The research reveals the female face of poverty. In recent years, female multidimensional poverty has been higher than male multidimensional poverty almost everywhere: on average, the former is about 70 per cent higher than the latter. Depending on the specific poverty index used, women make up between 54 and 63 per cent of the impoverished population. Gender disparities vary substantially across the world: the largest disparities are visible in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and South Asia. The research also shows that from the late 1990s/early 2000s most countries experienced increased gender disparities in poverty, a process often referred to as the “feminisation of poverty”. This largely occurred in Europe and Central Asia, as well as in Latin America and the Caribbean. The very large gender disparities in MENA and South Asia have persisted for decades. The studies also find that the increase in gender disparities occurred especially in rural areas and was mostly driven by an increase in disparities in access to paid employment. To tackle the gendered nature of poverty, we recommend:
• Incentivising women’s employment and pro-moting the care economy. Care policies can partly free women from their care duties and/or recognise the economic value of care work, thereby increasing employment opportunities for women. Expanding the (professional) care sector – and more generally, the service sector – also creates job opportunities for women.
• Adopting gender-responsive social protection. Cash transfers can benefit women in particular but should include clear gender-equality goals and be designed to challenge existing gender norms (rather than reinforce them).
• Tackling gender norms. Eliminating discriminatory laws and regulations can help in the short term; education and awareness campaigns are critical in the long run.
• Advocating for and realising the (gender) data revolution. It is necessary to invest in ad-hoc data collection focused on individual and female experiences of poverty.

The EU’s Global Gateway infrastructure investment programme is a new paradigm for cooperation with Africa. Mark Furness & Annabelle Houdret argue that European and German policymakers need to address the practical and moral dilemmas of investing in infrastructure with authoritarian governments, especially in North Africa.

The EU’s Global Gateway infrastructure investment programme is a new paradigm for cooperation with Africa. Mark Furness & Annabelle Houdret argue that European and German policymakers need to address the practical and moral dilemmas of investing in infrastructure with authoritarian governments, especially in North Africa.

The EU’s Global Gateway infrastructure investment programme is a new paradigm for cooperation with Africa. Mark Furness & Annabelle Houdret argue that European and German policymakers need to address the practical and moral dilemmas of investing in infrastructure with authoritarian governments, especially in North Africa.

Germany’s Africa policy must maximize co-benefits by focusing on the migration-development nexus, argues Susan Ekoh (IDOS). The government needs to mainstream climate change needs in migration cooperation due to the present realities and future projections of climate-induced mobilities.

Germany’s Africa policy must maximize co-benefits by focusing on the migration-development nexus, argues Susan Ekoh (IDOS). The government needs to mainstream climate change needs in migration cooperation due to the present realities and future projections of climate-induced mobilities.

Germany’s Africa policy must maximize co-benefits by focusing on the migration-development nexus, argues Susan Ekoh (IDOS). The government needs to mainstream climate change needs in migration cooperation due to the present realities and future projections of climate-induced mobilities.

1. Dezember 2023 – Mit ambitionierten energiepolitischen Zielen hat die Ampel-Regierung vor zwei Jahren ihre Arbeit aufgenommen. Zur Halbzeit der Legislaturperiode ist die Erfolgsbilanz gemischt – in einzelnen Bereichen sind gute Fortschritte erzielt worden, in anderen klaffen große Lücken zwischen Ist- und Sollzustand. Der Ampel-Monitor Energiewende des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin) zeigt auf, wo wir heute bei wichtigen Technologien für die Transformation zur Klimaneutralität stehen. Diese Kurzstudie bietet zunächst eine Übersicht verschiedener Indikatoren. Es folgt ein detaillierter Blick auf die Dynamik einzelner Entwicklungen: Während Deutschland etwa bei der Photovoltaik auf einem guten Weg ist, liegt der Ausbau der Windkraft an Land derzeit deutlich unter dem Zielpfad. Auch bei der Elektromobilität geht es zu langsam voran. Das Tempo der Energiewende muss deutlich gesteigert werden, um die deutschen Klimaschutzverpflichtungen einzuhalten. Wenn die Regierung die Anstrengungen erhöht und konsequent handelt, können die gesetzten Ziele aber noch erreicht werden.

Top diplomats, regional experts, academics, private sector actors and media representatives called on governments, NGOs, and other stakeholders to assert the role of the multilateral system and work towards a reformed and fit-for-purpose application of its principles to achieve a comprehensive and lasting peace in the MENA region.

On November 30th, IPI MENA hosted a webinar on “The Deepening Crisis in the Middle East and the Role of the Multilateral System.”

Opening the webinar, IPI MENA Senior Director Nejib Friji referenced the many crises plaguing the region, from Libya, Lebanon, Yemen, Syria, Sudan, to Palestine. He emphasized that these situations have one important thing in common: human suffering on a massive scale costing current generations decades of development delays.

He reminded the audience that the multilateral system emerged from a desire to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, but past decades have dealt major blows to people’s confidence. Multiple internationally-led conflicts have continued with no blessing or intervention by the Security Council.

“In the face of continuing conflicts and suffering, some instinctually reject the multilateral system. But we at IPI MENA believe there is a critical need for the vision it offers of the world – maybe more than ever.”

H.E Taïeb Baccouche, Secretary General of the Arab Maghreb Union and Former Minister of Foreign Affairs and Former Minister of Education for the Republic of Tunisia, referred to the Israel-Palestine conflict, focusing on the way out of the current crisis. He said that the situation is defined by grave injustice, highlighting the continual encroachment on Palestinian territory by Israeli settlers.

He reflected on changing attitudes and approaches to the crisis amongst Arab leaders, outlining how they strongly rejected the 1947 partition plan and later accepted peaceful initiatives including the 1991 Madrid Conference and the Oslo Accords.

In terms of solutions, Mr. Taïeb Baccouche suggested a return to the starting point, disregarding all illegally gained territory. He offered two models: either two states or one multiconfessional state. He emphasized that the UN must play a key role in helping both parties move towards a peaceful resolution.

Referring to the situation in his country, Libya, H.E Mohamad Dayri, Former Minister of Foreign Affairs for the State of Libya said: “The outcome of the regime change in 2011 led to serious concerns for Libya, its neighboring countries, and beyond in Africa and Europe.” He noted that the situation has been marred by civil wars and security dysfunctions, allowing terror groups to take sanctuary in Libya. The threat of these groups has since diminished. Nonetheless, Libyans were subjected to multiple unlawful acts at the hands of local militias, including killings, kidnappings, and torture.

Mr. Dayri enumerated the internal and external factors that led to the current state of Libya. Poor governance and the plundering of public funds worsened living conditions for Libyans. In addition, the influence of foreign stakeholders and their conflicting priorities have compounded the complex landscape in the country. He emphasized that, despite an extended finger-pointing exercise, all parties have contributed to the current situation.

Moving to the role of the international community, Mr. Dayri highlighted that, despite the multifaceted nature of the situation, mediation efforts led by the UN have exclusively resulted in power-sharing packages, ignoring other substantial components and priorities for the people of Libya. He concluded with his recommendations, including a national reconciliation process facilitated by the UN.

H.E. Mr. Luis Amado, Former Minister of Foreign Affairs and Former Minister of Defence for the Portuguese Republic pointed to the wider implications of geopolitical crises in the MENA region and beyond. He outlined the core challenge at the heart of the Israel-Palestine conflict: how can we address an old, crystallized conflict in a new geopolitical context, with changed regional dynamics and forces?

Taking a step back, he referred to the “dynamic of confrontation” between the great powers – the US, Russia, and China – that shapes and imposes global crises. This dynamic imposes on all the power structures of the world, creating circumstances that expose the weaknesses of all multilateral institutions, e.g., repeated impasses between veto powers in the Security Council.

Mr. Amado emphasized the importance of envisioning a role for the multilateral system, sketching out a long scenario of confrontation between the great powers given the conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza, and a looming cold war. Speaking more optimistically, he suggested a post-Western, multi-polar world emerging.

He concluded by affirming that the Israel-Palestine crisis must be faced on a UN legal basis. “We need to go back to the law. We have no alternative in political terms.” However, he implied that returning to past decisions is easier said than done, especially when it concerns removing 800,000 new settlers – is it possible to go back and undo the negligence of the international community over the past?

In answer to Mr. Friji’s question about the connections between the Libya crisis and the freezing process of the Arab Maghreb Union, Mr. Dayri referred to adverse effects on Tunisia, Algeria, Chad, Niger, and Sudan, stating that the disintegration of Libya has negatively impacted the integration of the Maghreb countries.

Mr. Naman, a reporter from the Gulf Daily News asked about how certain Middle Eastern countries’ economic ties to Israel affect their response to the crisis and whether an energy shift could lead to a geopolitical shift in the region.

Mr. Luis Amado responded, pointing to the experience in Europe where only economic integration could solve repeated clashes between France, the UK, and Germany. He said a similar integration could be a path forward for the Middle East. However, he stressed that regional economic integration requires parallel political stability, and this dynamic must be balanced to make a difference.

Ms. Desiree Custers, Project Manager at the Centre for Applied Research in Partnership with the Orient (CARPO), reflected on what channels could be opened to increase communication or capacity for dialogue, especially given a discrepancy in values and ideas for the future.

Anuja Jaiswal, IPI MENA Intern, unpacked an emerging strand in the discussion. She argued that given the various time scales at play, solutions rooted in transitional justice should be placed alongside those rooted in conflict resolution.

Infolge des russischen Einmarschs in die Ukraine und des anschließenden Kriegs ist es bei der deutschen Energiewende zu einer politischen Neuausrichtung gekommen. Mit dem im Frühjahr 2022 gestarteten Osterpaket wurde eine Reihe ehrgeiziger Ziele im Bereich erneuerbarer Energien gesetzt und Gesetze verabschiedet, um zugleich Klimamaßnahmen und Energiesicherhheit zu ermöglichen. Deren Umsetzung soll Hand in Hand mit bestehenden Gesetzen, wie dem Kohleausstiegsgesetz und dem Bundesklimaschutzgesetz, erfolgen. Die Abstimmung politischer Maßnahmen und Ziele zur Min-derung der Treibhausgas-Emissionen und zur Gewähr-leistung zuverlässiger und bezahlbarer Energie fordert eine konzertierte Politikkohärenz, nämlich die Maximie-rung von Synergien und Minimierung von Zielkonflikten in der Verfolgung einer Vielzahl von Zielen. Die Minimierung von Zielkonflikten gewinnt umso mehr an Bedeutung, wenn die Energiewende für alle gerecht sein und als Vehikel eines breiteren „gerechten Wandels“ (just transition) dienen soll, und ist auch für die Erreichung der Ziele der Agenda 2030 für Nachhaltige Entwicklung (wozu auch „Niemanden zurücklassen“ zählt) und des Übereinkommens von Paris von Bedeutung.
In diesem Policy Brief werden, mit besonderem Fokus auf Nordrhein-Westfalen als einem der wichtigsten deutschen Kohlebergbauregionen, zunächst einige der wesentlichsten politischen Maßnahmen – und (In-)Kohärenzen – mit Blick auf die Energiewende beleuchtet. Im Anschluss werden – durch die Brille von Ideen, Interessen und Institutionen – wichtige politische Triebkräfte der (In-)Kohärenz von Politiken in zwei politischen Prozessen der Energiewende, die für den Elektrizitätssektor von besonderer Bedeutung sind – dem Kohleausstieg und dem Ausbau der Onshore-Windkraft –, untersucht. Wenngleich Solarkraft und grüner Wasserstoff für eine erfolgreiche Energiewende ebenfalls eine Schlüsselrolle spielen, werden sie hier nicht behandelt. Unsere Erkenntnisse basieren auf der Analyse relevanter Politikdokumente sowie 28 halbstrukturierter Interviews. Auf dem Weg zu einem „gerechten Wandel“ werden zur Förderung der Kohärenz der deutschen Energiewende und als Beitrag zur laufenden Weiterentwicklung der NRW-Nachhaltigkeitsstrategie die folgenden Empfehlungen ausgesprochen. Diese könnten auch für den neu ernannten NRW-Nachhaltigkeitsbeirat von Interesse sein:
• Abbau ideologischer, institutioneller und interessenbasierter Hürden ambitionierter Klimapolitik durch Politikkohärenz. In NRW sind die Einhaltung der jüngsten Versprechen eines Kohleausstiegs bis 2030 und einer Aufhebung der 1000-Meter-„Regel“ (d. h. 1km zwischen Wohngebäuden und Windturbinen) zentral. Diese Selbstverpflichtungen sollten in die weiterentwickelte NRW-Nachhaltigkeitsstrategie einfließen und Einzug in die Gesetzgebung halten.
• Förderung größerer politischer Gleichberechtigung bei allen Entscheidungsprozessen rund um die Energiewende auf allen Regierungsebenen (Bund, Länder und Kommunen) hin zu einer stärkeren Energiedemokratie im Rahmen von Beratungs- und Beteiligungsmechanismen. Die Verminderung politischer Ungleichheiten (z. B. durch die Gründung von Genossenschaften) ist für eine erhöhte öffentliche Akzeptanz von Vorhaben zu erneuerbaren Energien, einem der Ziele der aktuellen NRW-Nachhaltigkeitsstrategie, von wesentlicher Bedeutung.
• Integration von Vorstellungen der sozialen und Klimagerechtigkeit in die Energiewende-Politik, um sicherzustellen, dass die deutsche Energiewende für alle Menschen, und nicht nur für deutsche Bergleute, gerecht ist. Dabei sollten Vorstellungen von Verfahrens-, Verteilungs- und Anerkennungsgerechtigkeit berücksichtigt und in der weiterentwickelten NRW-Nachhaltigkeitsstrategie betont werden.

Infolge des russischen Einmarschs in die Ukraine und des anschließenden Kriegs ist es bei der deutschen Energiewende zu einer politischen Neuausrichtung gekommen. Mit dem im Frühjahr 2022 gestarteten Osterpaket wurde eine Reihe ehrgeiziger Ziele im Bereich erneuerbarer Energien gesetzt und Gesetze verabschiedet, um zugleich Klimamaßnahmen und Energiesicherhheit zu ermöglichen. Deren Umsetzung soll Hand in Hand mit bestehenden Gesetzen, wie dem Kohleausstiegsgesetz und dem Bundesklimaschutzgesetz, erfolgen. Die Abstimmung politischer Maßnahmen und Ziele zur Min-derung der Treibhausgas-Emissionen und zur Gewähr-leistung zuverlässiger und bezahlbarer Energie fordert eine konzertierte Politikkohärenz, nämlich die Maximie-rung von Synergien und Minimierung von Zielkonflikten in der Verfolgung einer Vielzahl von Zielen. Die Minimierung von Zielkonflikten gewinnt umso mehr an Bedeutung, wenn die Energiewende für alle gerecht sein und als Vehikel eines breiteren „gerechten Wandels“ (just transition) dienen soll, und ist auch für die Erreichung der Ziele der Agenda 2030 für Nachhaltige Entwicklung (wozu auch „Niemanden zurücklassen“ zählt) und des Übereinkommens von Paris von Bedeutung.
In diesem Policy Brief werden, mit besonderem Fokus auf Nordrhein-Westfalen als einem der wichtigsten deutschen Kohlebergbauregionen, zunächst einige der wesentlichsten politischen Maßnahmen – und (In-)Kohärenzen – mit Blick auf die Energiewende beleuchtet. Im Anschluss werden – durch die Brille von Ideen, Interessen und Institutionen – wichtige politische Triebkräfte der (In-)Kohärenz von Politiken in zwei politischen Prozessen der Energiewende, die für den Elektrizitätssektor von besonderer Bedeutung sind – dem Kohleausstieg und dem Ausbau der Onshore-Windkraft –, untersucht. Wenngleich Solarkraft und grüner Wasserstoff für eine erfolgreiche Energiewende ebenfalls eine Schlüsselrolle spielen, werden sie hier nicht behandelt. Unsere Erkenntnisse basieren auf der Analyse relevanter Politikdokumente sowie 28 halbstrukturierter Interviews. Auf dem Weg zu einem „gerechten Wandel“ werden zur Förderung der Kohärenz der deutschen Energiewende und als Beitrag zur laufenden Weiterentwicklung der NRW-Nachhaltigkeitsstrategie die folgenden Empfehlungen ausgesprochen. Diese könnten auch für den neu ernannten NRW-Nachhaltigkeitsbeirat von Interesse sein:
• Abbau ideologischer, institutioneller und interessenbasierter Hürden ambitionierter Klimapolitik durch Politikkohärenz. In NRW sind die Einhaltung der jüngsten Versprechen eines Kohleausstiegs bis 2030 und einer Aufhebung der 1000-Meter-„Regel“ (d. h. 1km zwischen Wohngebäuden und Windturbinen) zentral. Diese Selbstverpflichtungen sollten in die weiterentwickelte NRW-Nachhaltigkeitsstrategie einfließen und Einzug in die Gesetzgebung halten.
• Förderung größerer politischer Gleichberechtigung bei allen Entscheidungsprozessen rund um die Energiewende auf allen Regierungsebenen (Bund, Länder und Kommunen) hin zu einer stärkeren Energiedemokratie im Rahmen von Beratungs- und Beteiligungsmechanismen. Die Verminderung politischer Ungleichheiten (z. B. durch die Gründung von Genossenschaften) ist für eine erhöhte öffentliche Akzeptanz von Vorhaben zu erneuerbaren Energien, einem der Ziele der aktuellen NRW-Nachhaltigkeitsstrategie, von wesentlicher Bedeutung.
• Integration von Vorstellungen der sozialen und Klimagerechtigkeit in die Energiewende-Politik, um sicherzustellen, dass die deutsche Energiewende für alle Menschen, und nicht nur für deutsche Bergleute, gerecht ist. Dabei sollten Vorstellungen von Verfahrens-, Verteilungs- und Anerkennungsgerechtigkeit berücksichtigt und in der weiterentwickelten NRW-Nachhaltigkeitsstrategie betont werden.