Biztonságpolitika

Mit einer Rede eröffnete Herzogin Meghan am Sonntag in der Schweiz die Ausstellung «The Lost Screen Memorial». Das Denkmal gedenkt Kindern, die durch Online-Missbrauch starben und soll Bewusstsein für digitale Gefahren schaffen.

Fortuna Düsseldorf steigt nach einem 0:3 gegen Greuther Fürth in die dritte Liga ab. Ohne den gesperrten Cedric Itten blieb die Fortuna torlos und verpasste knapp die Relegation.

Die Bundesliga glänzt in der Genderfrage mit Taten. Gleich drei Klubs hoben Frauen in entscheidende Positionen.

The European Parliament plays an important role in advancing gender equality in the European Union. Through resolutions, legislative work and political scrutiny, it has called for stronger action in areas including violence against women, equal pay, online abuse, representation in decision-making, and women’s rights in conflict settings.

In its November 2025 resolution, Parliament called on the Commission to propose adding gender-based violence to the list of EU crimes.

Parliament urged action to prevent online gender-based violence across EU digital policies and to hold platforms accountable for propagating sexist content (November 2025, February 2023). Parliament called for misogyny to be explicitly included in the definition of hate speech and hate crime at EU level (January 2024).

Parliament has also called on the Commission to address AI-related threats through education, digital literacy and research into online misogyny and radicalisation (November 2025). Ahead of the 70th UN Commission on the Status of Women, it also highlighted the need for a deeper understanding of anti-gender movements, the ‘incel’ phenomenon and the ‘manosphere’, and for more active policies to counter these narratives (February 2026).

On employment, Parliament has called for the timely implementation of the Pay Transparency Directive, the Women on Boards Directive and the Work-Life Balance Directive. It demanded measures to reduce the gender employment gap and urged the Commission to promote women’s entry to, and retention within, the labour market (November 2025).

In March 2026, Parliament called on the Commission to present an action plan to eliminate gender pay and pension gaps, with a focus on fair pay and working conditions in sectors dominated by women, such as healthcare and education. Parliament also called for investments under the next EU long-term budget to strengthen work-life balance for women and ensure a reliable care sector.

Parliament has addressed gender equality in sport and culture. In an October 2025 resolution on the European sport model, it called on all stakeholders to advance gender equality in sport, combat violence, discrimination and harassment, and address the under-representation of women in sports governing bodies.

Within its own institution, Parliament has also taken steps on gender equality. In November 2025, Parliament initiated the legislative process to amend the EU Electoral Act. Under the proposed rules, a Member of the European Parliament who is pregnant or has recently given birth may delegate her plenary vote to another Member for up to three months before the estimated date of birth and six months after childbirth. This change requires the agreement of all EU countries in the Council before it can enter into force.

Furthermore, the European Parliament Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality (FEMM) organises an annual gender equality week and various events to mark International Women’s Day on 8 March.

Parliament has repeatedly called for women’s full participation in peace and security decision-making and for consistent EU financing of initiatives that promote women in leadership roles and combat sexual violence in conflict settings (April 2025, May 2025, July 2025). It repeatedly condemned rape and sexual violence in Russia’s attack on Ukraine (February 2023, February 2026) and drew attention to widespread sexual violence and child rape in the conflict in Sudan (March 2025).

Parliament has called for a new gender action plan post-2027 with a gender-sensitive approach to humanitarian aid (January 2026). It also stated that EU defence policies should reflect gender equality and diversity, promoting inclusive military environments with equal opportunities regardless of gender or background (April 2025).

Keep sending your questions to the Citizens’ Enquiries Unit (Ask EP)! We will reply in the EU language in which you write to us.

In Pruntrut JU wehrt sich eine Gruppierung gegen die neuen Zugangsbeschränkungen für das Schwimmbad. Sie fordert den Kanton auf, über die neue Regelung nachzudenken, da sie diese für diskriminierend hält.

Seit der Einführung des VAR verlassen sich die Schiedsrichter zu fest darauf, dass der VAR sowieso eingreifen würde. Auf diesen Vorfwurf geht Fifa-Schiri Kanagasingam im «FORZA!» ein und erklärt, wie er diese Situationen behandelt.

Schiedsrichter Anojen Kanagasingam spricht im «FORZA!» über das Skandalspiel von GC in St. Gallen, wo er sich verpfiffen hat. Er spricht darüber, wie er die Situation erlebt hat und was nach dem Spiel abging.

Die Hockeywelt zu Gast in der Schweiz. Mittendrin die Nati mit ihrer goldenen NHL-Generation und grossen Zielen. Können Roman Josi und Co. auch die Dämonen des Heim-WM-Fluchs besiegen?

Die Rabatte für E-Autofahrer könnten bald Geschichte sein. Basel-Stadt verhandelt die Steuervorteile von E-Autos vielleicht bald neu. Andere Kantone schmieden ähnliche Pläne. Viele unserer Leserinnen und Leser begrüssen diesen Schritt.

Israels Sänger Noam Bettan stand am Dienstagabend im ersten ESC-Halbfinal auf der Bühne. Doch sein Auftritt verlief nicht ohne Zwischenfälle. Vier Personen wurden wegen Störaktionen aus der Wiener Stadthalle geschmissen.

Nach anfänglichen Schwierigkeiten bezwingt die Schweiz zu Hause im Playoff-Hinspiel Italien mit 32:29. Ob die Handball-Nati sich für die WM 2027 in Deutschland qualifiziert, entscheidet sich am Sonntag in Faenza.

Spokespersons for Parliament and the political groups will hold a briefing on the 18 – 21 May plenary session, on Wednesday at 11.00 in Parliament’s Anna Politkovskaya press room.

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Statement by the High Representative on behalf of the European Union on the alignment of certain third countries with Council Decision (CFSP) 2026/779 of 30 March 2026 amending Decision 2011/235/CFSP concerning restrictive measures directed against certain persons and entities in view of the situation in Iran.

Statement by the High Representative on behalf of the European Union on the alignment of certain third countries with Council Decision (CFSP) 2026/774 of 30 March 2026 amending Decision 2010/413/CFSP concerning restrictive measures against Iran.

Statement by the High Representative on behalf of the European Union on the alignment of certain third countries with Council Decision (CFSP) 2026/762 of 30 March 2026 amending Decision 2010/413/CFSP concerning restrictive measures against Iran.

Statement by the High Representative on behalf of the European Union on the alignment of certain third countries with Council Decision (CFSP) 2026/763 of 30 March 2026 amending Decision 2011/173/CFSP concerning restrictive measures in view of the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Der Rat der EU hat Schlussfolgerungen zur Rolle der Lehrkräfte im Zeitalter der künstlichen Intelligenz (KI) gebilligt, in denen ein ethischer, sicherer und auf den Menschen ausgerichteter Ansatz im KI-Bereich der Bildung gefordert wird.

This study provides a comprehensive analysis of the evolution of security policy education over the past four decades (1984–2024). It traces the transition from the „Simplicity of Destruction”—defined by Cold War nuclear deterrence and Realist state-centric models—to the „Complexity of Resilience,” necessitated by hybrid threats, climate change, and algorithmic warfare. The article identifies four distinct eras: the Strategic Calculus of the Cold War, the Post-1991 Broadening of the security agenda, the Post-9/11 Asymmetric Turn, and the current era of Hybridity and Technological Supremacy. This report places special emphasis on the technological pulse of security, mapping the shift from nuclear physics to artificial intelligence and quantum vulnerabilities. Furthermore, the study examines pedagogical shifts from theoretical lecturing to immersive wargaming and „Red Teaming.” Finally, it provides a case study of the Hungarian educational landscape, documenting the transition from the Marxist-Leninist military doctrines of the 1980s to the „Comprehensive Approach” of the National University of Public Service (NKE).

I. 1984–1991: The Era of Strategic Calculus

In 1984, security policy education was a disciplined, almost clinical exercise in strategic mathematics. Dominated by the Neorealist paradigm—exemplified by Kenneth Waltz’s *Theory of International Politics* (1979)—the curriculum was built on the assumption that the international system is anarchic and states are rational, unitary actors. Students of the era focused on „Hard Power”: the measurable capability of a state to coerce others through military or economic might.

The pedagogical cornerstone was Nuclear Strategy. Concepts like Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD), the dynamics of the „Nuclear Triad,” and the intricacies of the SALT and START treaties formed the core of the syllabus. Security was synonymous with defense, and defense was synonymous with the state. The educational objective was to train analysts who could calculate second-strike capabilities and interpret the movement of tank divisions across the North German Plain. It was a world of high stakes but clear ontological boundaries.

II. 1991–2001: The Great Widening

The collapse of the Soviet Union acted as an ontological shock to the field. Security policy education underwent what scholars call „The Widening.” The Copenhagen School, led by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver, introduced Securitization Theory, arguing that „security” is not an objective condition but a social construct—a „speech act.”

In 1994, the UNDP Human Security Report fundamentally shifted the referent object of security from the „State” to the „Individual.” Education began to include economic, food, health, and environmental security. Students were no longer just studying throw-weights of ICBMs; they were analyzing the security implications of the Balkan wars, ethnic conflict, and the collapse of „failed states.” This decade introduced the idea that security is multidisciplinary, requiring insights from sociology, economics, and environmental science.

III. 2001–2014: The Asymmetric Turn

The attacks of September 11, 2001, forced a pivot toward asymmetry. The pedagogical focus shifted from state-on-state conflict to Counter-Insurgency (COIN) and non-state actors. Mary Kaldor’s concept of „New Wars”—where the distinction between soldier and civilian, and between war and organized crime, blurs—became essential reading.

The 2006 publication of the US Army/Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manual (FM 3-24) influenced civilian curricula worldwide, emphasizing „winning hearts and minds” and the „Comprehensive Approach.” This era also marked the rise of Critical Migration Studies. Scholars like Jef Huysmans (2006) highlighted how the „securitization of migration” transformed border management into a primary security concern. Education now required an understanding of cultural anthropology and the psychology of radicalization.

**IV. 2014–2024: Hybridity and Global Resilience**
Since the 2014 annexation of Crimea and the subsequent full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, security education has grappled with „Hybrid Warfare.” Frank Hoffman’s theories on the blending of conventional, irregular, and cyber tactics redefined the curriculum. The focus has moved toward „Total Defense” and Societal Resilience—the ability of a nation’s infrastructure and population to withstand and recover from systemic shocks.

Climate Security (Parenti, 2011) has moved from the periphery to the centre. Students today analyse resource scarcity, water wars, and climate-induced migration not as „soft” issues, but as „threat multipliers” that can destabilise entire regions. The 2024 curriculum is characterised by „Grand Strategy” in an era of Great Power Competition (GPC), where the Arctic, the Indo-Pacific, and Outer Space are the new frontiers of confrontation.

**V. The Technological Pulse: From Nuclear Physics to Algorithmic Warfare**
Technological innovation has always been the „silent engine” of security policy. In the 1980s, security technology was largely about nuclear physics and ballistic engineering. The 1990s introduced the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA), focusing on precision-guided munitions and the „system of systems” (Owens, 2000).

The 2000s saw the „Unmanned Revolution,” as drones (Singer, 2009) changed the ethics and practice of targeted killing. Today, the focus is on AI, Algorithmic Warfare, and Quantum Security. Security programs must now teach „Digital Forensics” and prepare for „Q-Day” (the point when quantum computers can break current encryption). The speed of the OODA loop (Observe, Orient, Decide, Act) is now determined by machine learning, forcing students to contemplate a future where „meaningful human control” over lethal force is the primary ethical and strategic challenge (Scharre, 2018).

III. 2001–2014: The Asymmetric Turn

The attacks of September 11, 2001, forced a pivot toward asymmetry. The pedagogical focus shifted from state-on-state conflict to Counter-Insurgency (COIN) and non-state actors. Mary Kaldor’s concept of „New Wars”—where the distinction between soldier and civilian, and between war and organised crime, blurs—became essential reading.

The 2006 publication of the US Army/Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manual (FM 3-24) influenced civilian curricula worldwide, emphasising „winning hearts and minds” and the „Comprehensive Approach.” This era also marked the rise of Critical Migration Studies. Scholars such as Jef Huysmans (2006) have highlighted how the „securitization of migration” transformed border management into a primary security concern. Education now required an understanding of cultural anthropology and the psychology of radicalization.

IV. 2014–2024: Hybridity and Global Resilience

Since the 2014 annexation of Crimea and the subsequent full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, security education has grappled with „Hybrid Warfare.” Frank Hoffman’s theories on the blending of conventional, irregular, and cyber tactics redefined the curriculum. The focus has moved toward „Total Defense” and Societal Resilience—the ability of a nation’s infrastructure and population to withstand and recover from systemic shocks.

Climate Security (Parenti, 2011) has moved from the periphery to the center. Students today analyze resource scarcity, water wars, and climate-induced migration not as „soft” issues, but as „threat multipliers” that can destabilize entire regions. The curriculum of 2024 is characterized by „Grand Strategy” in an era of Great Power Competition (GPC), where the Arctic, the Indo-Pacific, and Outer Space are the new frontiers of confrontation.

V. The Technological Pulse: From Nuclear Physics to Algorithmic Warfare

Technological innovation has always been the „silent engine” of security policy. In the 1980s, security technology was largely about nuclear physics and ballistic engineering. The 1990s introduced the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA), focusing on precision-guided munitions and the „system of systems” (Owens, 2000).

The 2000s saw the „Unmanned Revolution,” as drones (Singer, 2009) changed the ethics and practice of targeted killing. Today, the focus is on AI, Algorithmic Warfare, and Quantum Security. Security programs must now teach „Digital Forensics” and prepare for „Q-Day” (the point when quantum computers can break current encryption). The speed of the OODA loop (Observe, Orient, Decide, Act) is now determined by machine learning, forcing students to contemplate a future where „meaningful human control” over lethal force is the primary ethical and strategic challenge (Scharre, 2018).

VI. From Lecturing to Wargaming: Pedagogical Evolution

The way we teach security has changed as much as the content. Traditional lectures are increasingly supplemented by active, immersive methods. Wargaming (Perla, 1990) has seen a massive resurgence, allowing students to simulate complex crisis management scenarios in a low-risk environment.

„Red Teaming”—the practice of viewing a problem from an adversary’s perspective (Heuer, 1999)—is now a standard skill taught in intelligence and policy tracks. Furthermore, the rise of Open-Source Intelligence (OSINT) has democratized research. In 1984, satellite imagery was the exclusive domain of superpowers; today, students are trained to geolocate conflict zones and verify human rights abuses using commercial satellite data and social media, turning the classroom into a real-time intelligence hub.

VII. The Hungarian Experience: From Zrínyi to NKE

In Hungary, the evolution of security education followed a unique historical trajectory. In 1984, the Zrínyi Miklós Military Academy was the center of education, operating within the strict ideological framework of Marxist-Leninist military doctrine and Warsaw Pact requirements. The focus was on conventional land warfare and „Socialist Patriotism.”

The 1990s brought a period of rapid „NATO-ization.” Curriculum reform focused on civilian oversight of the military, democratic accountability, and interoperability with Western allies. The 2012 establishment of the National University of Public Service (NKE) marked a turning point, integrating military, law enforcement, and diplomatic education. This „Comprehensive Approach” reflects the Hungarian reality: security is no longer just a military matter but involves disaster management, cyber defense, and public administration. Today, Hungarian students study within a framework that balances European integration with the specific challenges of the Carpathian Basin.

Conclusion

 
The evolution from 1984 to 2024 represents a fundamental shift from the „Simplicity of Destruction” to the „Complexity of Resilience.” Security policy education is no longer just about counting tanks or calculating megatons; it is about understanding the fragile, interconnected nodes of a globalized world. As we look toward the next forty years, the challenge for educators will be to foster „Security Literacy”—the ability to navigate a world where a computer virus can be as deadly as a kinetic missile, and where the most important battlefield is often the cognitive resilience of the population.

References

* Buzan, B., Wæver, O., & De Wilde, J. (1998). *Security: A New Framework for Analysis*. Lynne Rienner Publishers.
* Hoffman, F. G. (2007). *Conflict in the 21st Century: The Rise of Hybrid Wars*. Potomac Institute for Policy Studies.
* Heuer, R. J. (1999). *Psychology of Intelligence Analysis*. Center for the Study of Intelligence.
* Huntington, S. P. (1957). *The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations*. Harvard University Press.
* Huysmans, J. (2006). *The Politics of Insecurity: Fear, Migration and Asylum in the EU*. Routledge.
* Kaldor, M. (1999). *New and Old Wars: Organized Violence in a Global Era*. Stanford University Press.
* Lowenthal, M. M. (2022). *Intelligence: From Secrets to Policy* (9th ed.). CQ Press.
* Nye, J. S. (2004). *Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics*. PublicAffairs.
* Owens, W. A. (2000). *Lifting the Fog of War*. Johns Hopkins University Press.
* Parenti, C. (2011). *Tropic of Chaos: Climate Change and the New Geography of Violence*. Nation Books.
* Perla, P. P. (1990). *The Art of Wargaming*. Naval Institute Press.
* Rid, T. (2013). *Cyber War Will Not Take Place*. Oxford University Press.
* Scharre, P. (2018). *Army of None: Autonomous Weapons and the Future of War*. W. W. Norton & Company.
* Singer, P. W. (2009). *Wired for War: The Robotics Revolution and Conflict in the Twenty-first Century*. Penguin Press.
* UNDP. (1994). *Human Development Report 1994: New Dimensions of Human Security*. Oxford University Press.
* U.S. Army. (2006). *FM 3-24 Counterinsurgency*. Headquarters, Department of the Army.
* Waltz, K. N. (1979). *Theory of International Politics*. Addison-Wesley.
* Zenko, M. (2015). *Red Team: How to Succeed by Thinking Like the Enemy*. Basic Books.

A From Kinetic Warfare to Complex Resilience: The Evolution of Security Policy Education (1984–2024) bejegyzés először Biztonságpolitika-én jelent meg.

Röviddel a rendszerváltás után, az 1990-es évek elején átalakult a hazai mezőgazdasági repülés. Az addig biztos munka és megélhetés szinte egyik napról a másikra bizonytalanná vált, a szakmában maradó pilóták és repülőgép-szerelők pedig egy újfajta kihívással szembesültek: a vállalkozói életformával. Beszélgetésünk harmadik részében ezt a nem könnyű időszakot idézzük fel László Ferenccel.

- Hogyan élted meg a Repülőgépes Szolgálat végét és a vállalkozói létbe való átmenetet?

- Már néhány évvel korábban is ment a lázadozás, hogy mi ugyanazért a tarifáért dolgozunk, mint az előző évtizedekben. Amikor a régi öregek kezdték, egy jó helyen lévő mezőgazdasági pilóta majdnem többet keresett, mint egy Malév kapitány. Aztán változtak a dolgok, a Malévnél komoly fizetések voltak, nálunk pedig megállt minden. Amikor mi kezdtünk, a körépület volt Budaörsön és egy faház. Aztán felépült az ötemeletes irodaház, és akkor mondtuk, hogy ebből baj lesz. Egy darabig még alakultak brigádok, de később már nem. Szükségmegoldásként ekkor jelentek meg a kétpilótás brigádok. Azt vettük észre, hogy az üzemeltető állomány állandó maradt, az irodaházban viszont olyan osztályok lettek, amiről addig nem is tudtunk és mindegyik tele lett. A hangárosok is látták, hogy rengeteg irodista van. A vállalati üdülőbe már nem is tudtunk menni, mert ők januárban lefoglalták a helyeket. Megvolt, hogy mennyit dolgoztunk, tudtuk, hogy mennyi a tarifa, a szorzóval felszoroztuk és gyakorlatilag megcsináltuk helyettük a saját bérszámfejtésünket. Amikor jött a számítógépes csoport, nekem mindig reklamálnom kellett, mert soha nem stimmeltek a számok. Akkora lázadás volt, hogy a TV-híradó is foglalkozott vele, de olyan nagy változások nem történtek.

[...] Bővebben!

De nouveaux mouvements viennent d’être actés au sommet de la Présidence de la République. Dans le dernier numéro du Journal officiel, plusieurs décrets présidentiels signés […]

L’article Tebboune met fin aux fonctions de deux conseillers à la Présidence est apparu en premier sur .