Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

This paper examines two potential mechanisms – access to credit and reduction in relational risks – through which social trust can affect R&D investments. Social trust can increase R&D investments by expanding firms' access to external finance with which they can use to fund promising R&D projects. It can also increase R&D investments by reducing relational risks that expose firms to ex-ante and ex-post holdups or expropriation risks. Using industry-level data on R&D investment intensities in 20 OECD countries, I test these mechanisms by evaluating whether more external finance dependent and relational risk vulnerable industries exhibit disproportional higher R&D investment intensities in trust intensive countries. The results indicate that external finance dependent industries and relational risks vulnerable industries experience relatively higher R&D investment intensities in trust-intensive countries. Therefore, the results underline access to external finance and reduction in relational risks as causal pathways linking social trust and R&D investments.

Zur Unterstützung im Survey Management im Bereich der Migrantenstichproben suchen wir für die Bearbeitung von migrationsspezifischen Aufgaben ab dem 1. März 2021

eine studentische Hilfskraft (w/m/div)
für 8 Wochenstunden

Event Video 
Photos

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On December 17th, IPI together with the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs cohosted a virtual policy forum on “The Accountability System for the Protection of Civilians in UN Peacekeeping.”

Protecting civilians from violence is a priority mandate for most current UN peacekeeping operations. The UN has established a robust normative framework to guide and professionalize the implementation of protection mandates in the field, and missions have developed a number of tools, mechanisms, and activities to strengthen their posture and preparedness to deliver on this core objective.

On a number of occasions, however, UN missions have failed to prevent or respond to attacks and abuse targeting civilians despite being aware of the risk, receiving adequate warning, or being in the immediate proximity of the incident. While many investigations have highlighted shortcomings in performance and called for more accountability, most have remained confidential, and the actions taken to address these failures have often escaped the public eye.

After two decades of policy developments to clarify the roles and responsibilities of peacekeepers to protect civilians and numerous efforts to refine operational approaches in the field, stronger accountability is urgently needed. IPI has undertaken a comprehensive research project to map and evaluate existing accountability tools and mechanisms at the UN, shift the debate around accountability beyond confrontational narratives, and build a culture of positive and proactive accountability for all actors involved in peacekeeping operations’ efforts to protect civilians.

This policy forum provided an opportunity to present the main findings and recommendations of the policy paper authored by IPI’s Senior Fellow Dr. Namie Di Razza. Panelists discussed the recent efforts undertaken by the UN Secretariat, missions, and member states to promote performance accountability in peacekeeping, analyze the remaining gaps, and explore the way forward.

Opening Remarks
H.E. Ms. Yoka M. G. Brandt, Permanent Representative of the Netherlands to the UN
Ms. Bintou Keita, Assistant-Secretary-General, UN Department of Peace Operations and Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs

Speakers:
Dr. Namie Di Razza, IPI Senior Fellow and Head of Protection of Civilians
Mr. El-Ghassim Wane, Professor of International Affairs, Elliott School of International Affairs
Mr. Ludovic Grenouillon, Senior Military Strategic Partnership Officer, Office for Peacekeeping Strategic Partnership, UN Department of Peace Operations
Mr. Andrew Leyva, Permanent Mission of the United States to the UN
Mr. Yasser Halfaoui, Permanent Mission of Morocco to the UN

Moderator:
Mr. Jake Sherman, IPI Senior Director of Programs

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Insgesamt waren die vergangenen 12 Monate im Bereich der EU-Entwicklungspolitik und der Humanitären Hilfe geprägt von zwei inhaltlichen Debatten: Zum einen von der Debatte über die zukünftige Ausrichtung und Mittelbeschaffung der EU in diesen Politikfeldern und zum anderen von der Debatte, wie die EU am besten zur globalen Bekämpfung der Covid-19-Pandemie beitragen kann und wie sie zukünftig auf die langfristigen sozio-ökonomischen Folgen der Pandemie reagieren muss. Auch in Zukunft werden diese Aushandlungsprozesse über die Gestaltung der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und Humanitären Hilfe sowie ihres Verhältnisses zu anderen Bereichen der EU-Außenbeziehungen ein Wesensmerkmal dieser Politikfelder bleiben. Gleichzeitig zeigt dieser Umstand jedoch auch die Anpassungsfähigkeit an veränderte Erwartungen und politische Rahmenbedingungen auf, die in Zeiten multipler Krisen neue Zielvorgaben und Lösungsansätze erfordern.

Insgesamt waren die vergangenen 12 Monate im Bereich der EU-Entwicklungspolitik und der Humanitären Hilfe geprägt von zwei inhaltlichen Debatten: Zum einen von der Debatte über die zukünftige Ausrichtung und Mittelbeschaffung der EU in diesen Politikfeldern und zum anderen von der Debatte, wie die EU am besten zur globalen Bekämpfung der Covid-19-Pandemie beitragen kann und wie sie zukünftig auf die langfristigen sozio-ökonomischen Folgen der Pandemie reagieren muss. Auch in Zukunft werden diese Aushandlungsprozesse über die Gestaltung der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und Humanitären Hilfe sowie ihres Verhältnisses zu anderen Bereichen der EU-Außenbeziehungen ein Wesensmerkmal dieser Politikfelder bleiben. Gleichzeitig zeigt dieser Umstand jedoch auch die Anpassungsfähigkeit an veränderte Erwartungen und politische Rahmenbedingungen auf, die in Zeiten multipler Krisen neue Zielvorgaben und Lösungsansätze erfordern.

Insgesamt waren die vergangenen 12 Monate im Bereich der EU-Entwicklungspolitik und der Humanitären Hilfe geprägt von zwei inhaltlichen Debatten: Zum einen von der Debatte über die zukünftige Ausrichtung und Mittelbeschaffung der EU in diesen Politikfeldern und zum anderen von der Debatte, wie die EU am besten zur globalen Bekämpfung der Covid-19-Pandemie beitragen kann und wie sie zukünftig auf die langfristigen sozio-ökonomischen Folgen der Pandemie reagieren muss. Auch in Zukunft werden diese Aushandlungsprozesse über die Gestaltung der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und Humanitären Hilfe sowie ihres Verhältnisses zu anderen Bereichen der EU-Außenbeziehungen ein Wesensmerkmal dieser Politikfelder bleiben. Gleichzeitig zeigt dieser Umstand jedoch auch die Anpassungsfähigkeit an veränderte Erwartungen und politische Rahmenbedingungen auf, die in Zeiten multipler Krisen neue Zielvorgaben und Lösungsansätze erfordern.

Die EU-Kommission hat die Übernahme des Fitnesstracker-Herstellers Fitbit durch Google genehmigt. Dazu ein Statement von Wettbewerbsökonom Tomaso Duso, Leiter der Abteilung Unternehmen und Märkte am Deutschen Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin):

Dass die EU-Wettbewerbshüter die Übernahme von Fitbit durch Google genehmigt haben, ist bedauernswert und ein äußerst schlechtes Signal für den Wettbewerb auf digitalen Märkten in Europa. Die Warnungen vieler ÖkonomInnen, DatenschützerInnen, RechtswissenschaftlerInnen und Verbraucherorganisationen wurden damit in den Wind geschlagen. Sie haben zurecht davor gewarnt, dass die Übernahme den VerbraucherInnen bei Krankenversicherungen und medizinischen Dienstleistungen schaden und Googles marktbeherrschende Stellung bei Daten vergrößern könnte. 

Die EU sieht diese Gefahr nicht, doch die vorläufigen Argumente sind wenig überzeugend: Die Warnung vor einem Wettbewerbsvorteil für Google im Bereich der digitalen Gesundheitsversorgung wird zurückgewiesen, da „der Bereich der digitalen Gesundheitsversorgung in Europa noch im Entstehen begriffen ist und viele Akteure in diesem Bereich tätig sind“. Aber genau das ist das Problem: Dieser Sektor entsteht gerade und kann riesig werden. Auch nur eine kleine Chance für Google, ihn zu monopolisieren oder zumindest eine marktbeherrschende Stellung in diesem Bereich zu erreichen, hätte eine Absage der Übernahme gerechtfertigt. Und das ist nicht der einzige problematische Punkt. Zwar gibt es einige Auflagen und Bedingungen, unter anderem was die Nutzung von Daten betrifft – und diese werden von einigen Kommentatoren sogar als besonders mutig erachtetet. Doch erstens sind sie sehr schwer zu überwachen und zweitens in einem solch dynamischen Markt vielleicht schon bald von der Realität überholt.

Mit ihrer nicht sehr mutigen Entscheidung hat die EU-Kommission eine große Chance vertan, Spitzenreiter bei der Durchsetzung der Wettbewerbspolitik in digitalen Märkten zu bleiben. Und wir werden weiter darauf warten müssen, dass ein erstes Mal eine Fusion von Big-Tech-Unternehmen, fast 1 000 in der letzten Dekade, durch eine Kartellbehörde blockiert wird.

Download the Report Download Case Studies: South Sudan, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic, and Darfur. *Outlined tools can be activated in exceptional circumstances Author

Namie Di Razza, Head of IPI’s Protection of Civilians

Namie Di Razza joined IPI as a post-doctoral fellow in October 2016. She works on UN peace operations and protection of civilians with IPI’s Brian Urquhart Center for Peace Operations. Prior to…

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Email: dirazza@ipinst.org

Download Detailed Factsheets:
1. Force commander’s evaluation
2. OMA evaluation
3. Police evaluation
4. Risk premium
5. OPSP
6. Special investigation
7. OIOS
8. BOI
9. JPT/JAM/JET
10. Mission evaluation
11. CPAS
12. AAR
13. Medals
14. Conduct and discipline
15. Compact
16. e-Performance

Over the last two decades, UN peacekeeping operations have striven to protect civilians from physical violence. The protection of civilians (POC) is now based on a clear normative and policy framework, and its practical implementation relies on a number of innovative tools, tailored and multidimensional approaches, and the more proactive posture of peacekeepers. On a number of occasions, however, UN missions have failed to prevent or respond to threats despite being aware of the risk, receiving adequate warning of an attack, or being in the proximity when abuses were committed. Numerous reports and investigations into these incidents have highlighted shortcomings in performance and called for more accountability. Despite institutional ambitions, however, there is still limited accountability for the actors involved in protecting civilians.

To help address this challenge, IPI undertook a project to map how existing accountability mechanisms in the UN could be applied to peacekeeping missions with POC mandates. Through a combination of desk research and key informant interviews, IPI developed a set of tools to help guide the UN and its member states in building a robust, multi-actor, multilayer “system of accountability for POC.” These tools include:

• A policy paper analyzing the concept of accountability, identifying accountability mechanisms that exist and those that are needed, reviewing recent initiatives by the UN Secretariat and member states to strengthen accountability mechanisms for POC, and recommending steps that could be taken to strengthen these mechanisms further;
• An interactive graphic of the accountability mechanisms that can be or have been used to ensure accountability for the implementation of POC mandates by peacekeeping operations, with detailed fact sheets on each of these; and
• Case studies on how UN accountability tools have—or have not—been used in response to specific POC incidents in four different UN peacekeeping missions.

Collectively, these tools point to the need for a culture of active accountability for all actors, based on a shared willingness and commitment to assume responsibility and be answerable for the effective delivery of protection mandates. Toward this end, the policy paper offers the following recommendations:

• Working toward a more cohesive accountability structure by streamlining processes, improving coordination between accountability structures, broadening the scope of accountability tools to include all POC stakeholders, enhancing planning for POC, and tracking POC responses.
• Strengthening independent, dedicated, and transparent accountability tools by using more independent investigative teams, strengthening the role of the Office for Peacekeeping Strategic Partnership, providing dedicated resources for POC accountability, and striking a balance between transparency and politics.
• Enforcing consequences by following up on shortcomings in performance and considering POC in the force generation and selection processes, as well as going beyond punitive measures by developing incentives.

Detailed Factsheets for Selected Mechanisms (Click on each mechanism below for their detailed factsheet – desktop only)

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The effects of capital controls on international trade have not been thoroughly examined empirically. Using bilateral industry-level export data across a large number of countries, this paper evaluates how capital controls affect exports. We identify the effect of capital controls on export activities by exploiting the variation in capital controls across countries and variation in external finance dependence across industries. While we find that capital controls adversely affect total exports, analyses of the export margins indicate that the export distorting effect of capital controls works by deterring single and multiple export market entries by exporters, reducing export intensities of exporters, and the range of goods exporters can ship to each market destination. Further analysis in the paper reveals that the export distorting effects of capital controls is invariant of whether the restriction is on inward or outward capital controls, although the relative impact of inward capital control is higher. We also find that capital controls distort exports in OECD and non-OECD countries, although the effect is higher for non-OECD countries. We discuss the policy implications of the findings.

The effects of capital controls on international trade have not been thoroughly examined empirically. Using bilateral industry-level export data across a large number of countries, this paper evaluates how capital controls affect exports. We identify the effect of capital controls on export activities by exploiting the variation in capital controls across countries and variation in external finance dependence across industries. While we find that capital controls adversely affect total exports, analyses of the export margins indicate that the export distorting effect of capital controls works by deterring single and multiple export market entries by exporters, reducing export intensities of exporters, and the range of goods exporters can ship to each market destination. Further analysis in the paper reveals that the export distorting effects of capital controls is invariant of whether the restriction is on inward or outward capital controls, although the relative impact of inward capital control is higher. We also find that capital controls distort exports in OECD and non-OECD countries, although the effect is higher for non-OECD countries. We discuss the policy implications of the findings.

The effects of capital controls on international trade have not been thoroughly examined empirically. Using bilateral industry-level export data across a large number of countries, this paper evaluates how capital controls affect exports. We identify the effect of capital controls on export activities by exploiting the variation in capital controls across countries and variation in external finance dependence across industries. While we find that capital controls adversely affect total exports, analyses of the export margins indicate that the export distorting effect of capital controls works by deterring single and multiple export market entries by exporters, reducing export intensities of exporters, and the range of goods exporters can ship to each market destination. Further analysis in the paper reveals that the export distorting effects of capital controls is invariant of whether the restriction is on inward or outward capital controls, although the relative impact of inward capital control is higher. We also find that capital controls distort exports in OECD and non-OECD countries, although the effect is higher for non-OECD countries. We discuss the policy implications of the findings.

Carbon taxes are an economically effective and efficient policy measure to address climate change mitigation. However, they can have severe adverse distributional effects. Recycling parts of the fiscal revenues to vulnerable, lower income households through cash transfers (social assistance) is an option to also overcome associated political difficulties. This paper simulates the distributional impacts of such a combined policy reform in Peru. In a first step, we assess the distributional impacts of varying carbon tax rates. In a second step, we evaluate different scenarios of recycling revenues through existing or expanded transfer schemes towards vulnerable households. The results indicate that a national carbon tax, without compensation, would increase poverty but have no significant impact on inequality. When tax revenues are recycled through transfer schemes, however, poverty would actually decrease. Depending on the amount to be redistributed and the design of the cash transfer scheme, our simulations show a proportional reduction in the poverty headcount of up to around 17%. In addition, the paper underlines how crucial it is to go beyond aggregate measures of poverty to better identify losers from such reform; and assure that the “leave no one behind” principle of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is addressed.

Carbon taxes are an economically effective and efficient policy measure to address climate change mitigation. However, they can have severe adverse distributional effects. Recycling parts of the fiscal revenues to vulnerable, lower income households through cash transfers (social assistance) is an option to also overcome associated political difficulties. This paper simulates the distributional impacts of such a combined policy reform in Peru. In a first step, we assess the distributional impacts of varying carbon tax rates. In a second step, we evaluate different scenarios of recycling revenues through existing or expanded transfer schemes towards vulnerable households. The results indicate that a national carbon tax, without compensation, would increase poverty but have no significant impact on inequality. When tax revenues are recycled through transfer schemes, however, poverty would actually decrease. Depending on the amount to be redistributed and the design of the cash transfer scheme, our simulations show a proportional reduction in the poverty headcount of up to around 17%. In addition, the paper underlines how crucial it is to go beyond aggregate measures of poverty to better identify losers from such reform; and assure that the “leave no one behind” principle of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is addressed.

Carbon taxes are an economically effective and efficient policy measure to address climate change mitigation. However, they can have severe adverse distributional effects. Recycling parts of the fiscal revenues to vulnerable, lower income households through cash transfers (social assistance) is an option to also overcome associated political difficulties. This paper simulates the distributional impacts of such a combined policy reform in Peru. In a first step, we assess the distributional impacts of varying carbon tax rates. In a second step, we evaluate different scenarios of recycling revenues through existing or expanded transfer schemes towards vulnerable households. The results indicate that a national carbon tax, without compensation, would increase poverty but have no significant impact on inequality. When tax revenues are recycled through transfer schemes, however, poverty would actually decrease. Depending on the amount to be redistributed and the design of the cash transfer scheme, our simulations show a proportional reduction in the poverty headcount of up to around 17%. In addition, the paper underlines how crucial it is to go beyond aggregate measures of poverty to better identify losers from such reform; and assure that the “leave no one behind” principle of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is addressed.

Zusammenfassung:

Das erneute Aufflammen der Corona-Pandemie setzt dem Wirtschaftsaufschwung in Deutschland zum Jahreswechsel ein Ende. Die rasant steigenden Infektionszahlen haben Bund und Länder veranlasst, den bisherigen „Lockdown light“ zu verschärfen und drastische Maßnahmen eines harten Lockdowns zu vereinbaren, um die zweite Infektionswelle zu stoppen. Dies dürfte Berechnungen des DIW Berlin zufolge das Wachstum in diesem und im kommenden Jahr erheblich belasten. Wahrscheinlich ist, dass die Maßnahmen über den 10. Januar hinaus weitergeführt werden müssen, um die Infektionszahlen weiter zu senken. Das DIW Berlin rechnet damit, dass der Lockdown bis Ende Januar andauern muss. In diesem Szenario wird es kurzfristig zu einem erheblichen Rückgang des Bruttoinlandsprodukts kommen. Statt um 5,3 Prozent dürfte das Bruttoinlandsprodukt 2021 lediglich um 3,5 Prozent wachsen.

Although extreme weather events and slow onset processes have been increasingly linked to human mobility in distinct international governance spaces, research and policy on migration, displacement and planned relocation resulting from slow onset events remain focused mainly on sea level rise or specific hazards such as prolonged droughts. Land and forest degradation and desertification (LFDD), as a driver of population movements and its implications for long-term development policy, have received less attention. Considering the far-reaching impacts of these processes on human systems, this discussion paper aims to examine to what extent the LFDD – human mobility nexus has been integrated in existing policy and legal frameworks in African, Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries, identifying pathways towards improved management of population movements related to slow onset events. In this context, this discussion paper also presents national responses to the current COVID-19 pandemic, which has increased vulnerability in areas affected by progressive environmental changes. The analysis builds upon a review of policy and legal documents, and it sets the groundwork for an advanced research and policy agenda on human mobility in the context of LFDD. Even though efforts have been made to acknowledge the topic in African and LAC nations, the findings suggest the need for wider consideration of the LFDD – human mobility nexus in existing domestic frameworks.