Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

As displacement is on the rise worldwide and protracted in many cases, cities and municipalities have become increasingly important for receiving and integrating displaced people. The Global Compact on Refugees (GCR) adopted by the international community in 2018 acknowledges this and calls for related support for hosting countries and communities. In agreement with regional neighbours, refugee-hosting countries in the Global South, such as Kenya, are enhancing policies and opportunities for refugees' local integration in exchange for donor funding. In the Kalobeyei settlement in the country's marginalised Turkana West county, local economic and development planning are used as key devices for refugee integration. Drawing on extensive literature and other document review and semi-structured interviews with experts from local, national and international levels, this article is interested in how global norms are translated to local realities. It asks about the interests, alliances, resources and power of influential stakeholders as well as institutions driving the implementation of global policy frameworks on the ground. In Kenya, security interests and humanitarian funding shortages were key factors pressuring the national government to embrace local integration as a 'novel' approach to refugee management. The local government saw in it an opportunity to spur the development of a historically marginalised region. Against the background of persisting encampment and limited mobility of refugees in Kenya, local integration in practice is, however, partial and differs from conceptions underlying the GCR 'on paper'.

As displacement is on the rise worldwide and protracted in many cases, cities and municipalities have become increasingly important for receiving and integrating displaced people. The Global Compact on Refugees (GCR) adopted by the international community in 2018 acknowledges this and calls for related support for hosting countries and communities. In agreement with regional neighbours, refugee-hosting countries in the Global South, such as Kenya, are enhancing policies and opportunities for refugees' local integration in exchange for donor funding. In the Kalobeyei settlement in the country's marginalised Turkana West county, local economic and development planning are used as key devices for refugee integration. Drawing on extensive literature and other document review and semi-structured interviews with experts from local, national and international levels, this article is interested in how global norms are translated to local realities. It asks about the interests, alliances, resources and power of influential stakeholders as well as institutions driving the implementation of global policy frameworks on the ground. In Kenya, security interests and humanitarian funding shortages were key factors pressuring the national government to embrace local integration as a 'novel' approach to refugee management. The local government saw in it an opportunity to spur the development of a historically marginalised region. Against the background of persisting encampment and limited mobility of refugees in Kenya, local integration in practice is, however, partial and differs from conceptions underlying the GCR 'on paper'.

Seeking to gain an understanding of similarities and differences in the integration of refugees in different parts of the world, Eva Dick and Einhard Schmidt-Kallert interviewed decision-makers at the local government level in Bangladesh, Kenya and Germany. All of them have first-hand experience in dealing with the integration of large refugee flows within short and longer periods.

Seeking to gain an understanding of similarities and differences in the integration of refugees in different parts of the world, Eva Dick and Einhard Schmidt-Kallert interviewed decision-makers at the local government level in Bangladesh, Kenya and Germany. All of them have first-hand experience in dealing with the integration of large refugee flows within short and longer periods.

Seeking to gain an understanding of similarities and differences in the integration of refugees in different parts of the world, Eva Dick and Einhard Schmidt-Kallert interviewed decision-makers at the local government level in Bangladesh, Kenya and Germany. All of them have first-hand experience in dealing with the integration of large refugee flows within short and longer periods.

This report presents the results of a survey that queried foreign investors active in the Latin America and Caribbean region on the importance they attach to a key set of investment facilitation measures. It is based on 67 responses. The results of the investor survey are put into perspective by highlighting consistencies and gaps in relation to the current state of the WTO Investment Facilitation for Development (IFD) negotiations and the actual level of adoption of investment facilitation measures at the national level.

This report presents the results of a survey that queried foreign investors active in the Latin America and Caribbean region on the importance they attach to a key set of investment facilitation measures. It is based on 67 responses. The results of the investor survey are put into perspective by highlighting consistencies and gaps in relation to the current state of the WTO Investment Facilitation for Development (IFD) negotiations and the actual level of adoption of investment facilitation measures at the national level.

This report presents the results of a survey that queried foreign investors active in the Latin America and Caribbean region on the importance they attach to a key set of investment facilitation measures. It is based on 67 responses. The results of the investor survey are put into perspective by highlighting consistencies and gaps in relation to the current state of the WTO Investment Facilitation for Development (IFD) negotiations and the actual level of adoption of investment facilitation measures at the national level.

Fortschritt für eine gerechte Welt – dieses Ziel hat die neue Bundesregierung wie ein Leitmotiv über ihre Prioritäten für den deutschen G7-Vorsitz im Jahr 2022 gestellt. „Ganz konkret“ sollen Fortschritte erzielt werden für (1.) einen nachhaltigen Planeten, (2.) wirtschaftliche Stabilität und Transformation, (3.) ein gesundes Leben, (4.) Investitionen in eine bessere Zukunft und (5.) ein starkes Miteinander. Dafür sollen auch neue Modelle der Kooperation zur Bewältigung globaler Herausforderungen angestoßen werden. Auf den ersten Blick also ein Aufschlag, der den Herausforderungen angemessen, fokussiert und auf der Höhe der Zeit scheint. Auf den zweiten Blick wird aber auch deutlich, wieviel Arbeit und Konkretisierung noch nötig sind, wenn aus der Fülle der unter den fünf Prioritäten versammelten, oft nur lose verknüpften Themen wirklich Greifbares entwickelt werden soll.

Fortschritt für eine gerechte Welt – dieses Ziel hat die neue Bundesregierung wie ein Leitmotiv über ihre Prioritäten für den deutschen G7-Vorsitz im Jahr 2022 gestellt. „Ganz konkret“ sollen Fortschritte erzielt werden für (1.) einen nachhaltigen Planeten, (2.) wirtschaftliche Stabilität und Transformation, (3.) ein gesundes Leben, (4.) Investitionen in eine bessere Zukunft und (5.) ein starkes Miteinander. Dafür sollen auch neue Modelle der Kooperation zur Bewältigung globaler Herausforderungen angestoßen werden. Auf den ersten Blick also ein Aufschlag, der den Herausforderungen angemessen, fokussiert und auf der Höhe der Zeit scheint. Auf den zweiten Blick wird aber auch deutlich, wieviel Arbeit und Konkretisierung noch nötig sind, wenn aus der Fülle der unter den fünf Prioritäten versammelten, oft nur lose verknüpften Themen wirklich Greifbares entwickelt werden soll.

Fortschritt für eine gerechte Welt – dieses Ziel hat die neue Bundesregierung wie ein Leitmotiv über ihre Prioritäten für den deutschen G7-Vorsitz im Jahr 2022 gestellt. „Ganz konkret“ sollen Fortschritte erzielt werden für (1.) einen nachhaltigen Planeten, (2.) wirtschaftliche Stabilität und Transformation, (3.) ein gesundes Leben, (4.) Investitionen in eine bessere Zukunft und (5.) ein starkes Miteinander. Dafür sollen auch neue Modelle der Kooperation zur Bewältigung globaler Herausforderungen angestoßen werden. Auf den ersten Blick also ein Aufschlag, der den Herausforderungen angemessen, fokussiert und auf der Höhe der Zeit scheint. Auf den zweiten Blick wird aber auch deutlich, wieviel Arbeit und Konkretisierung noch nötig sind, wenn aus der Fülle der unter den fünf Prioritäten versammelten, oft nur lose verknüpften Themen wirklich Greifbares entwickelt werden soll.

Finally, the AU-EU Summit took place in Brussels on 17-18 February, after several postponements and a good four years since the last summit was held in Abidjan. Against the backdrop of the Russia-Ukraine crisis and the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic, the summit convened Heads of State of 27 EU Member States and 40 of their African counterparts under the auspices of European Council President Charles Michel and Senegalese President and AU Chair Macky Sall. The summit was intended to bring about a new start of the partnership, originally coined by the EU as a “new alliance”, with the partners finally settling on a “renewed partnership”. The changed global context has meant that this new start took a fundamentally different shape than the “comprehensive strategy with Africa”, which the European Council and the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, both identified as political priorities during the pre-pandemic time of 2019.

Finally, the AU-EU Summit took place in Brussels on 17-18 February, after several postponements and a good four years since the last summit was held in Abidjan. Against the backdrop of the Russia-Ukraine crisis and the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic, the summit convened Heads of State of 27 EU Member States and 40 of their African counterparts under the auspices of European Council President Charles Michel and Senegalese President and AU Chair Macky Sall. The summit was intended to bring about a new start of the partnership, originally coined by the EU as a “new alliance”, with the partners finally settling on a “renewed partnership”. The changed global context has meant that this new start took a fundamentally different shape than the “comprehensive strategy with Africa”, which the European Council and the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, both identified as political priorities during the pre-pandemic time of 2019.

Finally, the AU-EU Summit took place in Brussels on 17-18 February, after several postponements and a good four years since the last summit was held in Abidjan. Against the backdrop of the Russia-Ukraine crisis and the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic, the summit convened Heads of State of 27 EU Member States and 40 of their African counterparts under the auspices of European Council President Charles Michel and Senegalese President and AU Chair Macky Sall. The summit was intended to bring about a new start of the partnership, originally coined by the EU as a “new alliance”, with the partners finally settling on a “renewed partnership”. The changed global context has meant that this new start took a fundamentally different shape than the “comprehensive strategy with Africa”, which the European Council and the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, both identified as political priorities during the pre-pandemic time of 2019.