Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Rivalry between an increasingly assertive China and the United States is mounting in Asia and the Pacific. On several occasions, China has seen its interests threatened by the United States in the region. The US president’s recent visit to Japan and the so-called Quad summit between the US, Australia, Japan and India, which took place during his stay have driven the attention and interests of Beijing’s officials to make a trip to the Pacific Islands in order to negotiate and sign a security agreement with countries of the region. China’s officials see Joe Biden’s recent trip to Asia, as an effort to counter Beijing’s economic, political and diplomatic influence as well as the recognition of China over Taiwan in the region. Wang Yi’s visit to the Pacific Islands in late May for a ten-day tour in eight countries was meant to contribute to securing China’s political, economic and diplomatic stance in the region.

Rivalry between an increasingly assertive China and the United States is mounting in Asia and the Pacific. On several occasions, China has seen its interests threatened by the United States in the region. The US president’s recent visit to Japan and the so-called Quad summit between the US, Australia, Japan and India, which took place during his stay have driven the attention and interests of Beijing’s officials to make a trip to the Pacific Islands in order to negotiate and sign a security agreement with countries of the region. China’s officials see Joe Biden’s recent trip to Asia, as an effort to counter Beijing’s economic, political and diplomatic influence as well as the recognition of China over Taiwan in the region. Wang Yi’s visit to the Pacific Islands in late May for a ten-day tour in eight countries was meant to contribute to securing China’s political, economic and diplomatic stance in the region.

Rivalry between an increasingly assertive China and the United States is mounting in Asia and the Pacific. On several occasions, China has seen its interests threatened by the United States in the region. The US president’s recent visit to Japan and the so-called Quad summit between the US, Australia, Japan and India, which took place during his stay have driven the attention and interests of Beijing’s officials to make a trip to the Pacific Islands in order to negotiate and sign a security agreement with countries of the region. China’s officials see Joe Biden’s recent trip to Asia, as an effort to counter Beijing’s economic, political and diplomatic influence as well as the recognition of China over Taiwan in the region. Wang Yi’s visit to the Pacific Islands in late May for a ten-day tour in eight countries was meant to contribute to securing China’s political, economic and diplomatic stance in the region.

Rivalry between an increasingly assertive China and the United States is mounting in Asia and the Pacific. On several occasions, China has seen its interests threatened by the United States in the region. The US president’s recent visit to Japan and the so-called Quad summit between the US, Australia, Japan and India, which took place during his stay have driven the attention and interests of Beijing’s officials to make a trip to the Pacific Islands in order to negotiate and sign a security agreement with countries of the region. China’s officials see Joe Biden’s recent trip to Asia, as an effort to counter Beijing’s economic, political and diplomatic influence as well as the recognition of China over Taiwan in the region. Wang Yi’s visit to the Pacific Islands in late May for a ten-day tour in eight countries was meant to contribute to securing China’s political, economic and diplomatic stance in the region.

Rivalry between an increasingly assertive China and the United States is mounting in Asia and the Pacific. On several occasions, China has seen its interests threatened by the United States in the region. The US president’s recent visit to Japan and the so-called Quad summit between the US, Australia, Japan and India, which took place during his stay have driven the attention and interests of Beijing’s officials to make a trip to the Pacific Islands in order to negotiate and sign a security agreement with countries of the region. China’s officials see Joe Biden’s recent trip to Asia, as an effort to counter Beijing’s economic, political and diplomatic influence as well as the recognition of China over Taiwan in the region. Wang Yi’s visit to the Pacific Islands in late May for a ten-day tour in eight countries was meant to contribute to securing China’s political, economic and diplomatic stance in the region.

Rivalry between an increasingly assertive China and the United States is mounting in Asia and the Pacific. On several occasions, China has seen its interests threatened by the United States in the region. The US president’s recent visit to Japan and the so-called Quad summit between the US, Australia, Japan and India, which took place during his stay have driven the attention and interests of Beijing’s officials to make a trip to the Pacific Islands in order to negotiate and sign a security agreement with countries of the region. China’s officials see Joe Biden’s recent trip to Asia, as an effort to counter Beijing’s economic, political and diplomatic influence as well as the recognition of China over Taiwan in the region. Wang Yi’s visit to the Pacific Islands in late May for a ten-day tour in eight countries was meant to contribute to securing China’s political, economic and diplomatic stance in the region.

Die Europäische Zentralbank (EZB) hat in der heutigen Sitzung ihres Rats entschieden, das Anleihekaufprogramm zu beenden und auf der nächsten Ratssitzung im Juli den Leitzins um 0,25 Prozent zu erhöhen. Marcel Fratzscher, Präsident des DIW Berlin, erklärt dazu:

Trotz einer stark veränderten wirtschaftlichen Lage hält die EZB am Kurs des graduellen Ausstiegs aus ihrer expansiven Geldpolitik fest. Sie musste das Wachstum nach unten und die Inflation nach oben revidieren. Ich befürchte, sie unterschätzt die Risiken eines weiteren Anstiegs der Inflation und der Inflationserwartungen. Sie hätte daher bereits jetzt den Ausstieg umsetzen und die Zinsen anheben können, anstatt den lang angekündigten ersten Zinsschritt nochmals um sechs Wochen zu verschieben. Damit hätte sie ein starkes Signal an Märkte, Sozialpartner und Menschen gesendet, dass sie die Risiken erkannt hat und entschieden handeln wird.

Zwar würde selbst ein rascher und erheblicher Anstieg der Zinsen kaum etwas an der hohen Inflation über die kommenden zwölf Monate ändern. Aber ein starkes Signal für einen entschiedenen Ausstieg aus der expansiven Geldpolitik ist essenziell für die EZB, um die Inflationserwartungen fest zu verankern und damit ihre Glaubwürdigkeit zu schützen. Dadurch wäre sie in Zukunft wieder früher in der Lage, ihr Mandat der Preisstabilität voll zu erfüllen. Meine Befürchtung ist, dass ein zu zögerliches Handeln der EZB einen mittelfristig stärkeren Anstieg der Zinsen erfordern und damit auch die Wirtschaft stärker abbremsen könnte. Ein entschiedenes Handeln könnte zwar Volatilität an den Finanzmärkten auslösen. Dies wäre jedoch ein deutlich geringeres Übel als ein zu starker Anstieg der Inflationserwartungen.

Die EZB hat ihre Handlungsfähigkeit mit ihrer Kommunikationsstrategie der „forward guidance“ zu sehr selbst eingeschränkt. Sie muss sich von dieser Strategie lösen und überzeugender kommunizieren, dass der geldpolitische Kurs vom weiteren Verlauf des Kriegs in der Ukraine, der Pandemie und auch wirtschaftspolitischen Entscheidungen der EU und damit stark von den Daten abhängen wird. Die EZB muss sich jetzt mehr denn je die Möglichkeit schaffen, schnell und flexibel handeln zu können, um sowohl auf einen möglichen Anstieg der Inflation als auch finanzielle Verwerfungen reagieren zu können.

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On June 8th, IPI together with the Permanent Mission of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the UN cohosted a virtual policy forum on “UN, EU, and NATO Approaches to the Protection of Civilians: Policies, Implementation, and Comparative Advantages.” The event provided an opportunity to present and discuss a recent IPI policy paper examining the conceptualization of the protection of civilians (POC) in the UN, the European Union (EU), and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), with recommendations to strengthen POC efforts within and across the three organizations.

Since the early 2000s, the UN, the EU, and NATO have developed their own conceptual and operational approaches to POC. These approaches have evolved in reaction to changing dynamics in armed conflict as well as institutional and membership priorities. These have contributed, for instance, to the UN’s shift from large-scale multidimensional peacekeeping operations toward smaller special political missions and the shift from executive military operations toward training missions within the EU. More recently, the return of large-scale military conduct in Europe following the invasion of Ukraine by Russia and the prospect of increasing use of hybrid warfare raise questions about the capacity for regional and international organizations to effectively protect civilians.

Considering these far-reaching geostrategic shifts, this policy forum will provide the opportunity to discuss how the UN, the EU, and NATO can adapt their POC approaches to a new era of operations and pursue greater inter-organizational cooperation to revitalize POC while retaining their distinct mandates and strategic approaches.

Read the policy paper>>

Opening Remarks:
Ambassador Mark Zellenrath, Deputy Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the UN

Speakers:
Mr. Joachim A. Koops, Professor of Security Studies and Scientific Director of the Institute of Security and Global Affairs, Leiden University
Mr. Dirk Druet, Adjunct Professor McGill University and IPI Non-Resident Fellow
Ambassador Silvio Gonzato, Deputy Permanent Representative, EU Delegation to the UN
Ms. Marla B. Keenan, Adjunct Senior Fellow, Stimson Center
Ms. Eva Svoboda, Deputy Director of International Law and Policy, ICRC

Moderator:
Ms. Agathe Sarfati, IPI Senior Policy Analyst

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Die Steuersenkung auf Benzin und Diesel zum 1. Juni hat die Preise an den Tankstellen nur kurzzeitig senken können. Tomaso Duso, Wettbewerbsexperte und Leiter der Abteilung Unternehmen und Märkte im DIW Berlin, kommentiert die Gründe des verpufften Tankrabatts und empfiehlt zielgerichtetere Maßnahmen der Politik:

Dass die Spritpreise inzwischen wieder auf das Niveau von vor dem 1. Juni geklettert sind, ist keine Überraschung, sondern war aus zwei Gründen zu erwarten. Zum einem sind die Ölpreise in der letzten Woche wieder gestiegen, was die Wirkung des Tankrabatts zumindest reduziert hat. Zum anderem und noch ausschlaggebender: Der Tankrabatt wurde von den Mineralölkonzernen und Raffinerien wie erwartet nicht vollständig an die KundInnen – also zunächst an die Tankstellen und danach an die VerbraucherInnen – weitergegeben. Der Grund dafür ist, dass die Raffinerien Marktmacht haben. Das ist nicht unbedingt ein böswilliges Verhalten, sondern das Ergebnis hoher Marktkonzentration bei Raffinerien und Mineralölkonzernen. Davor haben die ÖkonomInnen gewarnt, die Politik wollte es aber nicht hören.

Der Tankrabatt ist nun vertan. Der Bevölkerung wurde damit nur minimal geholfen, und ihr Unmut ist zu Recht groß. Maßnahmen, die die Preise künstlich versuchen zu beeinflussen, sind kontraproduktiv und werden auch weiterhin verpuffen. Stattdessen sollte die Politik gezielte Maßnahmen auf den Weg bringen, die diejenigen Haushalte unterstützen, die durch die Verteuerungen existenzielle Probleme haben. Direkte Transfers oder gezielte Steuerreduktionen für diese Haushalte sollten Vorrang haben.

Gender diversity is important for achieving equality and ocean sustainability challenges. However, women are less likely to be in positions of leadership within academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions. We highlight the non-gendered and gendered challenges they experience as a leader that affect their role, mental wellbeing, success, and career progression. Accordingly, we present actionable strategies, systems, and processes that can be implemented by academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions and the scientific community to improve gender equality.

Gender diversity is important for achieving equality and ocean sustainability challenges. However, women are less likely to be in positions of leadership within academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions. We highlight the non-gendered and gendered challenges they experience as a leader that affect their role, mental wellbeing, success, and career progression. Accordingly, we present actionable strategies, systems, and processes that can be implemented by academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions and the scientific community to improve gender equality.

Gender diversity is important for achieving equality and ocean sustainability challenges. However, women are less likely to be in positions of leadership within academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions. We highlight the non-gendered and gendered challenges they experience as a leader that affect their role, mental wellbeing, success, and career progression. Accordingly, we present actionable strategies, systems, and processes that can be implemented by academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions and the scientific community to improve gender equality.

Gender diversity is important for achieving equality and ocean sustainability challenges. However, women are less likely to be in positions of leadership within academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions. We highlight the non-gendered and gendered challenges they experience as a leader that affect their role, mental wellbeing, success, and career progression. Accordingly, we present actionable strategies, systems, and processes that can be implemented by academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions and the scientific community to improve gender equality.

Gender diversity is important for achieving equality and ocean sustainability challenges. However, women are less likely to be in positions of leadership within academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions. We highlight the non-gendered and gendered challenges they experience as a leader that affect their role, mental wellbeing, success, and career progression. Accordingly, we present actionable strategies, systems, and processes that can be implemented by academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions and the scientific community to improve gender equality.

Gender diversity is important for achieving equality and ocean sustainability challenges. However, women are less likely to be in positions of leadership within academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions. We highlight the non-gendered and gendered challenges they experience as a leader that affect their role, mental wellbeing, success, and career progression. Accordingly, we present actionable strategies, systems, and processes that can be implemented by academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions and the scientific community to improve gender equality.

Das Deutsche Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin) sucht zum nächstmöglichen Zeitpunkt eine

Leitung der Stabsstelle Strategisches Controlling (w/m/div) (39 h/Woche), Teilzeit möglich.

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As part of the “Leading for Peace: Voices from the Field” series, IPI hosted James Swan, current Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Somalia, on June 6, 2022. Swan shared his reflections on the current situation in Somalia following the recent presidential and parliamentary elections and their implications for UN engagement moving forward.

Swan was appointed in May 2019 as the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Somalia and Head of the UN Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM). Prior to this appointment, Swan spent much of his career serving in the US government supporting African countries facing complex political transitions. He served as Ambassador to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) from 2013 to 2016, US Special Representative for Somalia from 2011 to 2013, and Ambassador to Djibouti from 2008 to 2011.

Earlier in his career, Swan served as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs from 2006 to 2008 and Director of African Analysis in the US Department of State’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research from 2005 to 2006. Prior to this, he held various assignments in the DRC, the Republic of Congo, Somalia, Cameroon, Nicaragua, and Haiti.

Swan holds a B.Sc. degree from Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service, an MA degree from the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies, and a master’s degree in security studies from the National War College.

Speaker:
H.E. Mr. James Swan, Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Somalia and Head of the UN Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM)

Moderator:
Dr. Adam Lupel, IPI Vice President and COO

Social media misinformation is widely recognized as a significant and growing global problem. Yet, little is known about how misinformation spreads across broader media ecosystems, particularly in areas with varying internet access and connectivity. Drawing on research in northern Ghana, we seek to address this gap. We argue that ‘pavement media’—the everyday communication of current affairs through discussions in marketplaces, places of worship, bars, and the like and through a range of non-conversational and visual practices such as songs, sermons, and graffiti—is a key link in a broader media ecosystem. Vibrant pavement and traditional media allow for information from social media to quickly cross into offline spaces, creating a distinction not of the connected and disconnected but of first-hand and indirect social media users. This paper sets out how social, traditional, and pavement media form a complex and deeply gendered and socio-economically stratified media ecosystem and investigates its implications for how citizens differentially encounter, process, and respond to misinformation. Based on the findings, we argue that efforts intended to combat the spread of misinformation need to move beyond the Western-centred conception of what constitutes media and take different local modalities of media access and fact-checking into account.