Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Der Band behandelt in interdisziplinärer Perspektive Widerspruch unter anderem als einen konzeptionellen Anker von Diskursanalyse und -theorie. Widerspruch ist eine Figur der Ordnung von Wissen und damit Ausdruck von Machtverhältnissen. Akteur*innen, die Widersprüche identifizieren und als solche erst wahrnehmbar machen, sind ebenso in Dynamiken der Widerspruchsdeklaration verwoben wie das, was in einer Zeit als widersprüchlich bestimmt und bezeichnet wird. Die performative Dimension von Widerspruch unter Einschluss des Widersprechens verweist auf historische Normalitätsproduktionen und soziale Hierarchien, in denen das Widersprüchliche stets als Anlass zu seiner Auflösung verstanden wird.

Der Band behandelt in interdisziplinärer Perspektive Widerspruch unter anderem als einen konzeptionellen Anker von Diskursanalyse und -theorie. Widerspruch ist eine Figur der Ordnung von Wissen und damit Ausdruck von Machtverhältnissen. Akteur*innen, die Widersprüche identifizieren und als solche erst wahrnehmbar machen, sind ebenso in Dynamiken der Widerspruchsdeklaration verwoben wie das, was in einer Zeit als widersprüchlich bestimmt und bezeichnet wird. Die performative Dimension von Widerspruch unter Einschluss des Widersprechens verweist auf historische Normalitätsproduktionen und soziale Hierarchien, in denen das Widersprüchliche stets als Anlass zu seiner Auflösung verstanden wird.

Der Band behandelt in interdisziplinärer Perspektive Widerspruch unter anderem als einen konzeptionellen Anker von Diskursanalyse und -theorie. Widerspruch ist eine Figur der Ordnung von Wissen und damit Ausdruck von Machtverhältnissen. Akteur*innen, die Widersprüche identifizieren und als solche erst wahrnehmbar machen, sind ebenso in Dynamiken der Widerspruchsdeklaration verwoben wie das, was in einer Zeit als widersprüchlich bestimmt und bezeichnet wird. Die performative Dimension von Widerspruch unter Einschluss des Widersprechens verweist auf historische Normalitätsproduktionen und soziale Hierarchien, in denen das Widersprüchliche stets als Anlass zu seiner Auflösung verstanden wird.

The European Green Deal can be considered as a roadmap of key policies for the EU's climate agenda, based on which the Commission has started, and will continue to develop, legislative proposals and strategies from 2020 onwards. The European Green Deal aims at transforming the EU’s economy towards sustainability and carbon neutrality. First and foremost, it defines internal plans and strategies for the EU that will also have global effects. Directed at internal transformation, this ambitious plan can make Europe a role model and a global leader, but it also involves domestic and external challenges. For promoting the global public good, the EU will need partners to jointly work with. This paper provides an overview of the core elements of the Green Deal and connects them to concepts of EU leadership. On this basis, it examines the need and entry points for EU cooperation with major global partners and (re)emerging economies, including China, Brazil, India, Indonesia, Mexico, Russia, and South Africa. The authors argue that the success of the European Green Deal depends on close coordination with these powers and finds that the legitimacy and credibility of the EU's climate leadership can only be ensured by engaging intensively with actors from the Global South and with the various centres of an increasingly multipolar world.

The European Green Deal can be considered as a roadmap of key policies for the EU's climate agenda, based on which the Commission has started, and will continue to develop, legislative proposals and strategies from 2020 onwards. The European Green Deal aims at transforming the EU’s economy towards sustainability and carbon neutrality. First and foremost, it defines internal plans and strategies for the EU that will also have global effects. Directed at internal transformation, this ambitious plan can make Europe a role model and a global leader, but it also involves domestic and external challenges. For promoting the global public good, the EU will need partners to jointly work with. This paper provides an overview of the core elements of the Green Deal and connects them to concepts of EU leadership. On this basis, it examines the need and entry points for EU cooperation with major global partners and (re)emerging economies, including China, Brazil, India, Indonesia, Mexico, Russia, and South Africa. The authors argue that the success of the European Green Deal depends on close coordination with these powers and finds that the legitimacy and credibility of the EU's climate leadership can only be ensured by engaging intensively with actors from the Global South and with the various centres of an increasingly multipolar world.

The European Green Deal can be considered as a roadmap of key policies for the EU's climate agenda, based on which the Commission has started, and will continue to develop, legislative proposals and strategies from 2020 onwards. The European Green Deal aims at transforming the EU’s economy towards sustainability and carbon neutrality. First and foremost, it defines internal plans and strategies for the EU that will also have global effects. Directed at internal transformation, this ambitious plan can make Europe a role model and a global leader, but it also involves domestic and external challenges. For promoting the global public good, the EU will need partners to jointly work with. This paper provides an overview of the core elements of the Green Deal and connects them to concepts of EU leadership. On this basis, it examines the need and entry points for EU cooperation with major global partners and (re)emerging economies, including China, Brazil, India, Indonesia, Mexico, Russia, and South Africa. The authors argue that the success of the European Green Deal depends on close coordination with these powers and finds that the legitimacy and credibility of the EU's climate leadership can only be ensured by engaging intensively with actors from the Global South and with the various centres of an increasingly multipolar world.

Momentan weist die UN-Nachhaltigkeitsgovernance einige Schwächen auf. Verbesserungen würden eine ehrgeizigerer Unterstützung von nationalen Nachhaltigkeitsprozessen in den neun verbleibenden Jahren bis 2030 erlauben. Mitglieder des Rats für Nachhaltige Entwicklung haben gemeinsam mit Wissenschaftlerinnen von SWP und DIE Reformoptionen für eine effektivere UN-Nachhaltigkeitsgovernance entwickelt.

Momentan weist die UN-Nachhaltigkeitsgovernance einige Schwächen auf. Verbesserungen würden eine ehrgeizigerer Unterstützung von nationalen Nachhaltigkeitsprozessen in den neun verbleibenden Jahren bis 2030 erlauben. Mitglieder des Rats für Nachhaltige Entwicklung haben gemeinsam mit Wissenschaftlerinnen von SWP und DIE Reformoptionen für eine effektivere UN-Nachhaltigkeitsgovernance entwickelt.

Momentan weist die UN-Nachhaltigkeitsgovernance einige Schwächen auf. Verbesserungen würden eine ehrgeizigerer Unterstützung von nationalen Nachhaltigkeitsprozessen in den neun verbleibenden Jahren bis 2030 erlauben. Mitglieder des Rats für Nachhaltige Entwicklung haben gemeinsam mit Wissenschaftlerinnen von SWP und DIE Reformoptionen für eine effektivere UN-Nachhaltigkeitsgovernance entwickelt.

The current approach to governing the UN’s sustainable development work has a number of shortcomings. If improved, the UN could more ambitiously support national efforts for sustainable development in the remaining nine years until 2030. Even in the absence of large institutional reforms, an upwards spiral towards more ambitious and self-reflective reporting and learning could be initiated. However, the challenges ahead are complex. More ambitious UN reforms for include establishing a UN Sustainable Development Council – an upgraded and transformed ECOSOC.

The current approach to governing the UN’s sustainable development work has a number of shortcomings. If improved, the UN could more ambitiously support national efforts for sustainable development in the remaining nine years until 2030. Even in the absence of large institutional reforms, an upwards spiral towards more ambitious and self-reflective reporting and learning could be initiated. However, the challenges ahead are complex. More ambitious UN reforms for include establishing a UN Sustainable Development Council – an upgraded and transformed ECOSOC.

The current approach to governing the UN’s sustainable development work has a number of shortcomings. If improved, the UN could more ambitiously support national efforts for sustainable development in the remaining nine years until 2030. Even in the absence of large institutional reforms, an upwards spiral towards more ambitious and self-reflective reporting and learning could be initiated. However, the challenges ahead are complex. More ambitious UN reforms for include establishing a UN Sustainable Development Council – an upgraded and transformed ECOSOC.

Social protection is a powerful development policy tool. If well designed, it can contribute to manifold social, economic, and political goals such as those in the Agenda 2030 Its primary goal is to reduce poverty, vulnerability, and inequality. More indirectly, however, it can also promote education, health, gender justice, access to water, investment and pro-poor growth. And it can be a cornerstone in social contracts thereby stabilising societies, political systems and state-society relations. In most countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), however, social protection systems are not well designed and, hence, have only marginal effects on all of these goals.

Social protection is a powerful development policy tool. If well designed, it can contribute to manifold social, economic, and political goals such as those in the Agenda 2030 Its primary goal is to reduce poverty, vulnerability, and inequality. More indirectly, however, it can also promote education, health, gender justice, access to water, investment and pro-poor growth. And it can be a cornerstone in social contracts thereby stabilising societies, political systems and state-society relations. In most countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), however, social protection systems are not well designed and, hence, have only marginal effects on all of these goals.

Social protection is a powerful development policy tool. If well designed, it can contribute to manifold social, economic, and political goals such as those in the Agenda 2030 Its primary goal is to reduce poverty, vulnerability, and inequality. More indirectly, however, it can also promote education, health, gender justice, access to water, investment and pro-poor growth. And it can be a cornerstone in social contracts thereby stabilising societies, political systems and state-society relations. In most countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), however, social protection systems are not well designed and, hence, have only marginal effects on all of these goals.

REDD+ is a mechanism to address climate change by reducing deforestation and forest degradation. In this article, the implementation of the REDD Early Movers- REM/Visión Amazonia program in Guaviare, Colombia, is analyzed, focusing on the implementation challenges and scope of the program when addressing deforestation drivers in a post-conflict context. By taking a historical perspective on regional deforestation challenges in Guaviare, we link these challenges to the recent deforestation trends in the region. This article demonstrates the particular challenges to implementing REDD+ in the Colombian post-conflict context related to the power vacuum left by the FARC retreat, land grabbing for speculation and cattle ranching, power asymmetries and corrupted regional elites. The article concludes that the current scope of REM does not sufficiently address the main drivers of deforestation, and that REM's focus on campesinos and indigenous communities will not significantly reduce the substantial deforestation rates in the present post-conflict context.

REDD+ is a mechanism to address climate change by reducing deforestation and forest degradation. In this article, the implementation of the REDD Early Movers- REM/Visión Amazonia program in Guaviare, Colombia, is analyzed, focusing on the implementation challenges and scope of the program when addressing deforestation drivers in a post-conflict context. By taking a historical perspective on regional deforestation challenges in Guaviare, we link these challenges to the recent deforestation trends in the region. This article demonstrates the particular challenges to implementing REDD+ in the Colombian post-conflict context related to the power vacuum left by the FARC retreat, land grabbing for speculation and cattle ranching, power asymmetries and corrupted regional elites. The article concludes that the current scope of REM does not sufficiently address the main drivers of deforestation, and that REM's focus on campesinos and indigenous communities will not significantly reduce the substantial deforestation rates in the present post-conflict context.