Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

The World Trade Organization (WTO) is in its deepest crisis since its creation. This relates to each of its three pillars: 1. trade liberalization and rules-setting, 2. trade policy monitoring, and 3. dispute settlement. Germany’s G7 Presidency will require a careful balancing between addressing long-standing issues such as aligning the WTO with the Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development and reforming the dispute settlement process on one hand side and focusing on the immediate challenges presented by the geopolitical crisis as well as recovery from the Covid-19 pandemic. This requires, more than ever, multilateral collaboration and innovative and interdisciplinary solutions. The G7 countries, in close cooperation with their partners, have a unique opportunity to articulate a new vision for trade and the multilateral trading system. The G7 can lead by example while also incentivizing and supporting other nations to raise the level of ambition in aligning trade policies with current world challenges. As such, the goal should not be to try to re-establish the status quo but rather to adapt the world trading systems and its rules to the realities and necessities of the 21st century and the new geopolitical context. What is needed is a WTO 2.0 that responds to the world’s peace, health and environmental challenges and proactively contributes to solving them.

The World Trade Organization (WTO) is in its deepest crisis since its creation. This relates to each of its three pillars: 1. trade liberalization and rules-setting, 2. trade policy monitoring, and 3. dispute settlement. Germany’s G7 Presidency will require a careful balancing between addressing long-standing issues such as aligning the WTO with the Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development and reforming the dispute settlement process on one hand side and focusing on the immediate challenges presented by the geopolitical crisis as well as recovery from the Covid-19 pandemic. This requires, more than ever, multilateral collaboration and innovative and interdisciplinary solutions. The G7 countries, in close cooperation with their partners, have a unique opportunity to articulate a new vision for trade and the multilateral trading system. The G7 can lead by example while also incentivizing and supporting other nations to raise the level of ambition in aligning trade policies with current world challenges. As such, the goal should not be to try to re-establish the status quo but rather to adapt the world trading systems and its rules to the realities and necessities of the 21st century and the new geopolitical context. What is needed is a WTO 2.0 that responds to the world’s peace, health and environmental challenges and proactively contributes to solving them.

The World Trade Organization (WTO) is in its deepest crisis since its creation. This relates to each of its three pillars: 1. trade liberalization and rules-setting, 2. trade policy monitoring, and 3. dispute settlement. Germany’s G7 Presidency will require a careful balancing between addressing long-standing issues such as aligning the WTO with the Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development and reforming the dispute settlement process on one hand side and focusing on the immediate challenges presented by the geopolitical crisis as well as recovery from the Covid-19 pandemic. This requires, more than ever, multilateral collaboration and innovative and interdisciplinary solutions. The G7 countries, in close cooperation with their partners, have a unique opportunity to articulate a new vision for trade and the multilateral trading system. The G7 can lead by example while also incentivizing and supporting other nations to raise the level of ambition in aligning trade policies with current world challenges. As such, the goal should not be to try to re-establish the status quo but rather to adapt the world trading systems and its rules to the realities and necessities of the 21st century and the new geopolitical context. What is needed is a WTO 2.0 that responds to the world’s peace, health and environmental challenges and proactively contributes to solving them.

As G7 countries generate 25% of world greenhouse gas emissions, an open and cooperative G7 climate alliance can accelerate international climate policy in a transformative and inclusive manner. Building upon a proposal of the German Government (2021), we propose several key design elements for such an alliance.

As G7 countries generate 25% of world greenhouse gas emissions, an open and cooperative G7 climate alliance can accelerate international climate policy in a transformative and inclusive manner. Building upon a proposal of the German Government (2021), we propose several key design elements for such an alliance.

As G7 countries generate 25% of world greenhouse gas emissions, an open and cooperative G7 climate alliance can accelerate international climate policy in a transformative and inclusive manner. Building upon a proposal of the German Government (2021), we propose several key design elements for such an alliance.

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On April 11th, IPI together with the Elsie Initiative is cohosted a virtual policy forum entitled “Blue on Blue: Investigating Sexual Abuse of Peacekeepers.” This event launched the policy paper by Phoebe Donnelly of the International Peace Institute, Dyan Mazurana of Tufts University, and Evyn Papworth.

While addressing sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) by UN peacekeepers has risen as a priority, alongside increasing military women’s participation in peacekeeping forces, there has been almost no attention to sexual abuse of peacekeepers. This study is among the first to investigate, document, and analyze sexual harassment, discrimination, and assault of women and men military and police peacekeepers serving in UN and African Union peacekeeping missions.

The authors gave a short presentation of the study’s findings and their recommendations. Panelists then discussed the research findings and challenges and opportunities for taking action to address sexual abuse against peacekeeping personnel. Panelists also connected the recommendations and general findings of the paper to their own work and discussed steps for implementation.

This event and the related research are part of the Women in Peace Operations (WIPO) project, a multi-year initiative of IPI’s Women, Peace, and Security program funded by the Government of Canada’s Elsie Initiative.

Welcoming Remarks:
Dr. Adam Lupel, IPI Vice President and Chief Operating Officer

Opening Remarks:
H.E. Mr. Richard Arbeiter, Deputy Permanent Representative of Canada to the UN

Speakers:
Dr. Phoebe Donnelly, IPI Senior Fellow and Head of Women, Peace, and Security Program
Dr. Dyan Mazurana, Research Professor at the Fletcher School, Tufts University
Ms. Jane Connors, Victims’ Rights Advocate for the UN
Dr. Purna Sen, Visiting Professor, London Metropolitan University, and former Executive Coordinator and Spokesperson on Addressing Sexual Harassment and Other Forms of Discrimination, UN Women
Ms. Phillipa Adams, Chair, UN Strategic Police Advisory Group, Permanent Mission of Australia to the UN
Mr. Jon Christian Møller, Police and Justice Adviser, Permanent Mission of Norway to the UN

Moderator:
Ms. Gretchen Baldwin, IPI Research Fellow for Women, Peace, and Security

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It is commonly assumed that the main threats to uniformed peacekeepers originate from outside of peacekeeping missions. However, many women (and some men) deployed as military or police peacekeepers are subjected to sexual abuse by other members of the organizations they serve. Until now, there has been little research specifically focused on this sexual abuse by uniformed peacekeepers against their peacekeeping colleagues.

This paper helps fill that gap, drawing on a survey of peacekeepers as well as data from interviews and a closed-door workshop. It presents findings related to the extent, frequency, and type of abuse peacekeepers have experienced and witnessed; the perpetrators of this abuse; the organizational cultures that enable it; and peacekeepers’ perceptions of the UN’s response. These findings reveal that while sexual abuse is a major threat to uniformed peacekeepers, especially women, the UN and troop- and police-contributing countries (T/PCCs) have not adequately responded to the issue. This lack of attention is in contrast to the relatively robust architecture for reporting on and investigating sexual exploitation and abuse of host communities in peacekeeping environments.

To successfully prevent and respond to sexual abuse within peacekeeping missions as well as increase women’s meaningful participation in peace operations, the report concludes by providing several recommendations across four broad areas for the UN and T/PCCs:

1. Transform the organizational cultures that enable sexual abuse of peacekeepers;
2. Mandate robust training to prevent sexual abuse of peacekeepers;
3. Require T/PCCs to address sexual abuse of peacekeepers within their contingents; and
4. Create a robust, confidential, and victim-centric reporting and investigation infrastructure.

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Die Covid-19-Pandemie hat die Schuldensituation in vielen Entwicklungsländern erheblich verschlechtert. Laut Weltbank und Internationalem Währungsfonds (IWF) sind bereits rund 60 Prozent der ärmsten Länder hoch verschuldet. Die Frage ist, wie wir eine Verschuldungskrise verhindern können und wie die globale Schuldenpolitik (Global Debt Governance) ausgestaltet sein soll. Ein Instrument zur Bewältigung von Staatsverschuldungsproblemen könnte ein Insolvenzverfahren für souveräne Staaten sein. Der Koalitionsvertrag der neuen Bundesregierung spricht sich für die Unterstützung eines solchen Verfahrens aus. Zum Teil ähnlich wie in einem Insolvenzverfahren für den Privatsektor würde ein Rechtsrahmen für die zahlungsunfähigen Staaten geschaffen, um zu klären, welche Gläubiger in welchem Umfang bedient werden. Solch ein Verfahren hätte Vorteile: Es bietet einen vorhersehbaren und transparenten Fahrplan für die Umstrukturierung und wenn nötig auch den Erlass von Schulden. Es kann also schnell und systematisch gehandelt werden. Ein Insolvenzverfahren für Staaten ist ein wichtiges noch fehlendes Instrument der Global Debt Governance dar.

Die Covid-19-Pandemie hat die Schuldensituation in vielen Entwicklungsländern erheblich verschlechtert. Laut Weltbank und Internationalem Währungsfonds (IWF) sind bereits rund 60 Prozent der ärmsten Länder hoch verschuldet. Die Frage ist, wie wir eine Verschuldungskrise verhindern können und wie die globale Schuldenpolitik (Global Debt Governance) ausgestaltet sein soll. Ein Instrument zur Bewältigung von Staatsverschuldungsproblemen könnte ein Insolvenzverfahren für souveräne Staaten sein. Der Koalitionsvertrag der neuen Bundesregierung spricht sich für die Unterstützung eines solchen Verfahrens aus. Zum Teil ähnlich wie in einem Insolvenzverfahren für den Privatsektor würde ein Rechtsrahmen für die zahlungsunfähigen Staaten geschaffen, um zu klären, welche Gläubiger in welchem Umfang bedient werden. Solch ein Verfahren hätte Vorteile: Es bietet einen vorhersehbaren und transparenten Fahrplan für die Umstrukturierung und wenn nötig auch den Erlass von Schulden. Es kann also schnell und systematisch gehandelt werden. Ein Insolvenzverfahren für Staaten ist ein wichtiges noch fehlendes Instrument der Global Debt Governance dar.

Die Covid-19-Pandemie hat die Schuldensituation in vielen Entwicklungsländern erheblich verschlechtert. Laut Weltbank und Internationalem Währungsfonds (IWF) sind bereits rund 60 Prozent der ärmsten Länder hoch verschuldet. Die Frage ist, wie wir eine Verschuldungskrise verhindern können und wie die globale Schuldenpolitik (Global Debt Governance) ausgestaltet sein soll. Ein Instrument zur Bewältigung von Staatsverschuldungsproblemen könnte ein Insolvenzverfahren für souveräne Staaten sein. Der Koalitionsvertrag der neuen Bundesregierung spricht sich für die Unterstützung eines solchen Verfahrens aus. Zum Teil ähnlich wie in einem Insolvenzverfahren für den Privatsektor würde ein Rechtsrahmen für die zahlungsunfähigen Staaten geschaffen, um zu klären, welche Gläubiger in welchem Umfang bedient werden. Solch ein Verfahren hätte Vorteile: Es bietet einen vorhersehbaren und transparenten Fahrplan für die Umstrukturierung und wenn nötig auch den Erlass von Schulden. Es kann also schnell und systematisch gehandelt werden. Ein Insolvenzverfahren für Staaten ist ein wichtiges noch fehlendes Instrument der Global Debt Governance dar.

The EU decided to use the European Peace Facility (EPF) to provide lethal military equipment to Ukraine. The Union had never before bought and provided weapons to another country. EU foreign ministers agreed to make the first € 500 million available on 28 February. On 21 March, they added another € 500 million. African leaders took note. Shortly before Russian troops invaded Ukraine on 24 February, the EU-AU summit had taken place in Brussels. It confirmed that security and peace remain on the shared agenda for future cooperation.

The EU decided to use the European Peace Facility (EPF) to provide lethal military equipment to Ukraine. The Union had never before bought and provided weapons to another country. EU foreign ministers agreed to make the first € 500 million available on 28 February. On 21 March, they added another € 500 million. African leaders took note. Shortly before Russian troops invaded Ukraine on 24 February, the EU-AU summit had taken place in Brussels. It confirmed that security and peace remain on the shared agenda for future cooperation.

The EU decided to use the European Peace Facility (EPF) to provide lethal military equipment to Ukraine. The Union had never before bought and provided weapons to another country. EU foreign ministers agreed to make the first € 500 million available on 28 February. On 21 March, they added another € 500 million. African leaders took note. Shortly before Russian troops invaded Ukraine on 24 February, the EU-AU summit had taken place in Brussels. It confirmed that security and peace remain on the shared agenda for future cooperation.

Zusammenfassung:

Der russische Angriffskrieg auf die Ukraine und die Abhängigkeit Deutschlands von Energielieferungen aus Russland erfordern ein Umdenken: Während die Debatte über ein sofortiges Energie-Embargo hochkocht, könnte auch Russland jederzeit seine Lieferungen einstellen. Deutschland bezog bisher rund 55 Prozent seines Erdgases aus Russland. Das DIW Berlin hat Szenarien entwickelt, wie das deutsche Energiesystem im europäischen Kontext schnellstmöglich von diesen Importen unabhängig werden könnte: Auf der Angebotsseite können Lieferungen anderer Erdgasexportländer einen Teil der russischen Exporte kompensieren. Die Versorgungssicherheit würde es erheblich stärken, wenn die Pipeline- und Speicherinfrastruktur effizienter genutzt wird. Auf der Nachfrageseite gibt es ein kurzfristiges Einsparpotenzial von 19 bis 26 Prozent der bisherigen Erdgasnachfrage. Mittelfristig ist insbesondere ein Schub in Richtung erneuerbarer Wärmeversorgung und höherer Energieeffizienz notwendig. Wenn Einsparpotenziale maximal genutzt und gleichzeitig die Lieferungen aus anderen Erdgaslieferländern so weit wie technisch möglich ausgeweitet werden, ist die deutsche Versorgung mit Erdgas auch ohne russische Importe im laufenden Jahr und im kommenden Winter 2022/23 gesichert.

The Covid-19 pandemic has significantly worsened the debt situation in many developing countries. According to the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), around 60 % of the world’s poorest countries are now heavily indebted. The big questions are how debt crises can be prevented and how a global debt governance system should be designed. One instrument for tackling sovereign-debt problems would be an insolvency procedure for sovereign states. Germany’s new Federal Government has expressed support for such an innovation in its coalition agreement. The idea is to create a legal framework that would serve to clarify which creditors will be serviced to what degree – to some extend similar to private-sector insolvency. It would provide a predictable and transparent roadmap for debt restructuring and, when necessary, debt relief and it would therefore permit swift and systematic action. An insolvency procedure for sovereign states is missing from the toolbox of global governance.

The Covid-19 pandemic has significantly worsened the debt situation in many developing countries. According to the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), around 60 % of the world’s poorest countries are now heavily indebted. The big questions are how debt crises can be prevented and how a global debt governance system should be designed. One instrument for tackling sovereign-debt problems would be an insolvency procedure for sovereign states. Germany’s new Federal Government has expressed support for such an innovation in its coalition agreement. The idea is to create a legal framework that would serve to clarify which creditors will be serviced to what degree – to some extend similar to private-sector insolvency. It would provide a predictable and transparent roadmap for debt restructuring and, when necessary, debt relief and it would therefore permit swift and systematic action. An insolvency procedure for sovereign states is missing from the toolbox of global governance.

The Covid-19 pandemic has significantly worsened the debt situation in many developing countries. According to the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), around 60 % of the world’s poorest countries are now heavily indebted. The big questions are how debt crises can be prevented and how a global debt governance system should be designed. One instrument for tackling sovereign-debt problems would be an insolvency procedure for sovereign states. Germany’s new Federal Government has expressed support for such an innovation in its coalition agreement. The idea is to create a legal framework that would serve to clarify which creditors will be serviced to what degree – to some extend similar to private-sector insolvency. It would provide a predictable and transparent roadmap for debt restructuring and, when necessary, debt relief and it would therefore permit swift and systematic action. An insolvency procedure for sovereign states is missing from the toolbox of global governance.