European Parliamentary Research Service Blog

Written by Marcin Grajewski,

© DesignRage / Shutterstock

The European Union helps its Member States to secure their external borders, whilst ensuring an area of free movement without internal borders. Frontex, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, inter alia, coordinates and organises joint operations with Member States, provides surveillance and risk analysis, and supports cooperation between law enforcement authorities. The EU also helps Member States to fight crimes such as human trafficking, child abuse and smuggling of illegal goods. The issue of borders is closely linked to EU migration policy, which is being debated with a view to its reform, following the 2015 migration crisis.

This note offers links to commentaries and studies by major international think tanks on the issue of borders and some related reports on migration. More papers specifically on migration can be found in earlier items from the same series, published in October and December 2018.

Is post-1989 Europe building walls?
Carnegie Europe, November 2019

The influence of EU migration policy on regional free movement in the IGAD and ECOWAS regions
Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik, November 2019

New beginnings: A fresh start in EU asylum policy
Notre Europe, September 2019

El despliegue fronterizo en el contexto de la Union Europea bajo el actual ethos securitario
Barcelona Centre for International Affairs, September 2019

Regional cross-border cooperation in the Danube region: A promising approach within the enlargement policy of the EU?
Institute for Foreign Affairs and Trade, September 2019

New beginnings: A fresh start in EU asylum policy
Notre Europe, September 2019

Westbalkan als Migrationsroute: Europäische Strategien und lokale Lösungen 2015-2019
Österreichische Institut für Internationale Politik, September 2019

Border games: Has Spain found an answer to the populist challenge on migration?
European Council on Foreign Relations, September 2019

A new budget for the EU
Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik,, August 2019

Military mobility and the EU-NATO conundrum
Clingendael, July 2019

The EU’s security Union: A bill of health
Centre for European Reform, June 2019

EU migration policy towards Libya: A policy of conflicting interests
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, June 2019

Can regular migration replace irregular migration across the Mediterranean?
Centre for European Policy Studies, June 2019

Irregular migration and smuggling of migrants along the Balkan route: 2011-2017
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, June 2019

Healthy boundaries: Remedies for Europe’s cross-border disorder
European Union Institute for Security Studies, May 2019

Governance of the global refugee regime
Centre for International Governance Innovation, May 2019

Untying the Gordian knot of the common European asylum system: Dublin IV reform
EUROPEUM, May 2019

Infrastructure management contracts: Improving energy asset management in displacement settings
Chatham House, April 2019

Infrastructure for growth: How to finance, develop, and protect it
Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale, April 2019

Reducing irregular migration flows through EU external action
Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies, March 2019

Beyond operation Sophia: what role for the military in migration policy?
Dahrendorf Forum, LSE Ideas, March 2019

Money wise: Improving how EU funds support migration and integration policy objectives
Migration Policy Institute, March 2019

Migration and the next EU long-term budget: key choices for external action
European Centre for Development Policy Management, March 2019

Migration: Solid nations and liquid transnationalism? The EU’s struggle to find a shared course on African migration 1999-2019
Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik, February 2019

Pushing the boundaries: how to create more effective migration cooperation across the Mediterranean
European Council on Foreign Relations, January 2019

System upgrade: Improving cross-border access to electronic evidence
Global Public Policy Institute, January 2019

The refugee crisis and the EU’s externalisation of integrated border management to Libya and Turkey
College of Europe, December 2018

Beyond borderlands: Ensuring the sovereignty of all nations of Eastern Europe
Atlantic Council, November 2018

For a European policy on asylum, migration and mobility
Notre Europe, November 2018

Competing priorities at the EU’s external border
European Policy Centre, November 2018

Kosovo and Serbia are talking about redrawing their borders: It’s a terrible idea.
Carnegie Europe, September 2018

EU Grenzpolitiken: der humanitäre und geopolitische Preis von Externalisierungsstrategien im Grenzschutz
Österreichische Institut für Internationale Politik

Cross-border access to electronic data through judicial cooperation in criminal matters
Centre for European Policy Studies, October 2018

Complaint mechanisms in border management and expulsion operations in Europe
Centre for European Policy Studies, March 2018

The Global Compact on refugees offers an opportunity to revive responsibility sharing
Chatham House, March 2018

The European Border and Coast Guard: Addressing migration and asylum challenges in the Mediterranean?
Centre for European Policy Studies, February 2017

Read this briefing on ‘European borders‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Christian Kurrer,

© Shutterstock

The use of hydrogen as a fuel for transport might hold the key for decarbonising our overall energy system, by complementing the generation of electricity from fluctuating renewable energy sources such as wind and solar.

Twenty-seven years after the signing of the Kyoto Protocol, and possibly around a decade before the earth’s climate reaches a tipping point, our transport sector still overwhelmingly runs on fossil fuels, and in particular oil. A growing number of voices call ever more urgently for a fundamental system change.

In the last couple of years, the public debate on decarbonising our transport sector has been dominated by the prospect of battery electric cars, which represent a very promising path towards reducing some of the carbon emitted by transport. As electric cars enter mass production, prices will fall further, and batteries will become increasingly powerful. When electric cars are charged using renewable energy, they can indeed help lower the carbon footprint of the transport sector.

There are, however, a couple of disadvantages that electric cars will not be able to overcome in the near future: battery electric cars will always be much heavier than conventional cars, especially if consumers demand autonomy to a range of several hundreds of kilometres. Equally, recharging batteries will always take much longer than refuelling a car with petrol or gas.

While electric cars seem attractive for users that drive only a few kilometres a day, and who can recharge at times when electricity demand can be fully met by renewable energy sources – wind or solar, depending on the country – they are not ideal for users driving longer distances, who would need to recharge their vehicle in the middle of the day (when electricity is often in high demand and prices typically much higher). And even if battery electric cars succeeded in securing a significant part of the market for private vehicles, in other parts of the mobility sector batteries would simply not be practical. Trucks, trains on non-electrified lines, cargo ships, or aeroplanes will not be able to pack the number of batteries on board necessary to cross the continent, travel the seas, or take passengers up in the air. But what if we used hydrogen gas and fuel cells to produce the necessary electricity on board, rather than storing it in heavy battery packs?

Potential impacts and developments

Instead of storing electrical energy in batteries, large-scale electrolysers allow chemical storage of electrical energy, by using the electricity to split water molecules into hydrogen and oxygen gas. Tanks on-board the vehicles can then be filled with energy-rich hydrogen gas, which can be used to generate electricity in ‘fuel cells’. The particular interest of this approach is that vehicles could store large amounts of hydrogen on-board, refuel quickly if necessary, and produce only pure water as an exhaust output.

The concept of hydrogen-powered fuel-cell cars already attracted much attention following the first oil shock in the 1970s. At that time, the objective was to find a cheaper alternative to oil, and one idea was to use cheap and abundant nuclear energy to produce all the hydrogen we need for our mobility. However, oil prices soon started to stabilise or to fall, and the promise of cheap and abundant electricity from nuclear power plants never became reality. Producing hydrogen with electricity generated by coal or gas-fired power plants is also too expensive, and does not help the climate. In consequence, the idea was relegated to the back burner for many decades.

Today, we still do not have the cheap and abundant sources of electricity that nuclear power once promised, but the electricity market is nonetheless undergoing a fundamental transformation that is attracting new interest to hydrogen technology. As we increasingly switch to fluctuating power sources such as photovoltaic (PV) or wind, the issue of matching supply and demand becomes increasingly cumbersome. As we install ever greater generating capacity to meet electricity demand, even on cloudy days with little wind, we are increasingly frequently in a situation where generating capacity exceeds demand significantly, and where the market prices for electricity fall to zero. This excess electricity could be used to produce cheap hydrogen. And if the price of electricity remains low for several hours a day on average, it will become economically feasible to produce cheap hydrogen in adequate quantities.

In this way, hydrogen generation facilities and wind or PV farms could become a symbiotic couple that boosts each other’s business case: The electricity used for producing hydrogen would help stabilise electricity prices when renewable energy is abundant. Wind farms would therefore generate higher returns on investment, which would attract additional investment in wind farms. And, as the number of wind farms increases, electricity generation will more often exceed demand, which means longer periods each day when cheap electricity is available for hydrogen production.

Anticipatory policy-making

Most of the technology for this new era of hydrogen mobility has already been available for many decades. Today, active international cooperation focuses on standardisation and safety aspects. It is already possible to buy anything from bicycles, cars, trucks to trains, ships, and even aeroplanes that are fuelled by hydrogen. While there are still very few production and distribution facilities for green hydrogen in Europe, and prices of hydrogen, vehicles and distribution systems are still relatively high, there is a growing perception that we are about to reach a tipping point, at which greater availability of hydrogen will increase the interest and uptake by consumers, and increasing uptake from consumers will further drive down prices to quickly reach market competitiveness.

In such a situation, even relatively modest political measures and financial investment can help these technologies reach the tipping point faster. Local governments are already stepping up their efforts to promote the production of hydrogen to supply early adopters. Public procurement programmes for hydrogen buses or trains can help industry increase production and drive down the costs of these vehicles. Tax incentives for purchasing fuel-cell vehicles and differentiation between tax rates for hydrogen and petrol would encourage more people to become early adopters, which will in turn drive down prices faster. The European Commission has recently identified hydrogen technologies as one of its six newest strategic and future-oriented industrial sectors in which Europe should aim for global leadership.

Battery electric vehicles will undoubtedly continue to play an important role in decarbonising the transport sector, especially for small and light-weight vehicles used for shorter distances. For heavier vehicles over longer distances, however, hydrogen-powered fuel-cell vehicles seem to be a promising answer. And beyond the transport sector, once the price of hydrogen has fallen sufficiently, hydrogen can help decarbonise other parts of the economy, too, for instance in the iron and steel or cement industries, or be used as a raw material for fertiliser production and other chemical processes.

Read this ‘at a glance’ on ‘What if hydrogen could help decarbonise transport?‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Listen to Science and Technology podcast ‘What if hydrogen could help decarbonise transport?’ on YouTube.

Written by Clare Ferguson,

© European Union – European Parliament

Now that Parliament has heard all candidate Commissioners and been assured of their suitability for their appointed portfolios, the November II plenary session agenda indicates that Commission President-elect Ursula von der Leyen is expected to present the full College of Commissioners and their programme on Wednesday morning. The confirmatory vote on the election of the Commission to replace the current caretaker arrangement then follows at lunchtime, after which the new Commissioners will be ready to begin work on their new portfolios under the President’s agenda for a ‘Union that strives for more’, including a new ‘Green Deal’ and a revitalised economy.

Launching such plans requires funding, of course, and on 18 November (the last day of the conciliation period), the current Finnish Presidency announced that Member States and the European Parliament had reached an agreement on the EU budget for 2020. As proposed by Parliament, the agreement reverses most of the Council’s cuts to the Commission’s draft budget, and increases funding for some of Parliament’s priority areas, leading to an overall increase of €400 million compared to the draft budget. Parliament will therefore consider the agreed joint text on Tuesday afternoon (with a possible vote scheduled on Wednesday). If both Parliament and the Council approve the joint text before 3 December, Parliament’s President can sign the definitive agreement. However, should Parliament reject the compromise, the Commission would then have to draw up a new draft. This seventh, and last, budget of 2014-2020 ends the current budgetary cycle and prepares the transition to the 2021-2027 framework.

With wildfires in the Amazon and Australia, Venice under water, and the EU Environment Agency warning that Italy and Hungary are at particular risk of flooding, the devastating effects of increasing numbers of climate change-related weather events have come to the top of the political agenda ahead of the COP25 Climate Change Conference in Madrid this year. Members will hold a joint debate on climate change on Monday evening, and hear Council and Commission statements on the climate emergency, as well as their responses to oral questions on the actions undertaken to pursue the Paris Agreement’s objectives. Parliament seeks to reinforce the EU’s ambition for net-zero global greenhouse gas emissions by 2050, upgraded nationally determined contributions by 2020, and a higher 2030 emission reduction target of 55 %. Members will also hear Commission statements on the EU response to extreme meteorological events and their impact on urban areas and cultural heritage on Tuesday evening, and on the protection of forest and environmental defenders in the EU on Thursday morning.

Another subject hitting the headlines on a regular basis is that of society’s treatment of women and children. One in three women (33 %) in the EU has experienced physical and/or sexual violence since the age of 15; 75 % of female managers or professionals have experienced sexual harassment; and one in ten women have suffered sexual harassment or stalking made possible by new technologies. Members will mark the International Day for the elimination of violence against women on Monday evening, with Council and Commission statements on EU action to tackle this violation of human rights. The EU plans to accede to the Istanbul Convention, put in place by the Council of Europe, and Parliament has regularly reviewed progress towards accession, for which its consent is required. In the meantime, Parliament continues to seek to dispel any misconceptions that have prevented some EU Member States from ratifying the Convention. Members will vote on a motion for a resolution on EU accession to the Istanbul Convention and other measures to combat gender-based violence on Thursday afternoon.

Following the debate marking the 60th anniversary of the United Nations General Assembly’s Declaration and the 30th anniversary of the ensuing Convention of the Rights of the Child on 13 November, Members will also vote on a resolution (debated during the November I Brussels plenary) on Tuesday lunchtime, underlining the European Parliament’s consistently strong commitment towards children’s rights. Parliament will reiterate its pledge to protect & promote children’s rights, including ensuring support for the fight against global poverty, which particularly affects children.

The battle to protect these and other human rights continues worldwide. Thirty years since Parliament first awarded its prize for champions of freedom of thought, Ukrainian filmmaker Oleg Sentsov, laureate of the 2018 Sakharov Prize, will address the plenary in a formal sitting on Tuesday lunchtime. Sentsov was unable to receive his award in person, due to his sentencing to 20 years in prison in Russia for his opposition to the annexation of Crimea. In response to such international pressure, Russia released Sentsov in September this year. Parliament will award the 2019 prize in December.

Similarly, Parliament awards its annual LUX prize for the best film dealing with issues at the heart of European public debate, such as ending poverty, combating violence against women, and integrating vulnerable communities. Parliament will announce this year’s winner on Wednesday lunchtime.

Written by Marta Latek,

© mantinov / Shutterstock.com

Poverty affects more than a quarter of the world’s population, and that is why erasing it is a principal objective for humanity, enshrined as the first of a number of goals (SDGs) in the UN 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda. Poverty is more than just having insufficient income – it is a multidimensional phenomenon closely related to unequal access to education, health and other basic services. Increasingly concentrated in sub-Saharan Africa, extreme poverty destroys the lives of millions through malnutrition, high infant mortality rates and the violence and insecurity it fuels.

Poverty eradication is an ongoing objective of EU development policy. It has recently gained new momentum with the incorporation of the SDGs into the 2017 European consensus on development – the framework for EU action in the area of development cooperation. The EU supports, through its different instruments and programmes, key areas, such as education, healthcare, social security and good governance, relevant to poverty eradication in developing countries. The 2018 Africa-Europe Alliance for Sustainable Investment and Jobs has further reinforced the focus on those sub-Saharan countries where poverty is at its highest, through an innovative approach that goes beyond aid and seeks to forge an ‘equals alliance’. Its main pillar, the European Fund for Sustainable Development, aims, through EU grants and guarantees, to mobilise massive public and private investment necessary for the economic take-off of the continent, which would provide jobs and access to basic services for the growing African population.

Some doubt that using aid to subsidise private investment is the optimal way to tackle poverty, and insist on strict implementation of development objectives, environmental and social standards, and on highlighting human rights in all projects. Others also denounce the diversion of aid to finance migration management in countries of origin and transit of migration from Africa to Europe. A shift towards a post-growth economy is perceived by many as a radical long-term solution for global well-being and sustainability of the planet.

Read the complete briefing on ‘EU support for fighting global poverty: Implementing UN SDG 1 – ‘Ending poverty’‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Listen to policy podcast on YouTube.

 

Written by Ionel Zamfir,

© Monkey Business Images / Shutterstock

The United Nations (UN) 2030 Agenda for sustainable development includes a strong commitment by all states to respect human rights, in line with international law and other relevant international documents, in the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This covers the rights of the child as enshrined mainly in the UN Covenant on the Rights of the Child and other relevant human rights treaties. No action to implement the SDGs can be detrimental to the rights of the child.

More than a normative framework guiding the implementation of the SDGs, the rights of the child are a fundamental enabling factor for sustainable development and vice versa. Healthy, well-nourished, well-educated children, who are protected from violence and abuse, are the best guarantee of long-term sustainable development. On the other hand, the rights of the child can only be realised in an appropriate environment – peaceful, prosperous, protective of the child and fostering human development. Thus, there is a natural convergence between the SDGs and specific children’s rights.

The SDGs, through the comprehensive and regular monitoring they put in place, provide an opportunity for an assessment of the state of the most fundamental rights of the child, as enshrined in the Covenant. Most recent data actually warn that many relevant SDGs may not be achieved by 2030. While progress has been steady in certain areas, particularly on health-related issues, in others, progress has been less conclusive.

The EU prioritises children’s rights and relevant SDGs in its external action. It aims at mainstreaming human rights including children’s rights in its development assistance to connect the normative and developmental dimensions. The European Parliament has repeatedly defended the need to protect and promote children’s rights through EU external action, and has asked the Commission to propose a strategy and action plan in this sense.

Read the complete briefing on ‘Children’s rights and the UN SDGs: A priority for EU external action‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Listen to policy podcast on YouTube.

Written by Leopold Schmertzing with Pauline Boyer, Miro Folke Guzzini, Linus Olle Johanen Sioeland, Linda Kunertova, Gabriel Lecumberri, Sophie Millar, Arto Ilpo Antero Vaisanen,

The European Strategy and Policy Analysis System (ESPAS) held its latest annual conference On Monday, 14 and Tuesday, 15 October 2019 (see here for blog posts about past conferences). This was the last of the ESPAS cycle that started with the European Election in 2014 and the publication of the 2014 report ‘Global trends to 2030: can the EU meet the challenges ahead?‘.

This year’s conference can be counted as the first of a new ESPAS cycle, following the election of a new Parliament and the publication in April of a new ESPAS Report. ‘Global trends to 2030: Challenges And choices For Europe‘ was the basis for broad ranging discussions within the ESPAS community on the future of Europe and the world.

Setting the scene and opening address

In her welcome to the ESPAS conference session hosted in the EPRS Library Reading Room, Ann Mettler, Head of the EPSC and Chair of ESPAS, questioned Europe’s resilience in the face of an emerging age of impunity. Vice-President of the European Parliament, Othmar Karas (EPP, Austria), then opened the proceedings, welcoming the new commission’s proposal to institutionalise foresight. The European Parliament will be a partner in this effort; finding innovative ways to improve our common future is in the Parliament’s DNA. The EU can only shape the future through being persistent in its efforts and taking responsibility in the world. ESPAS can help by continuing to talk truth to power.

The future of equality

Member of the European Parliament, and returning STOA Panel Chair, Eva Kaili, chaired the first panel discussion of the day. In his introductory video, science fiction author Tom Hillenbrand focused on possible future inequalities caused by climate change and data injustice. Sergio Bitar emphasised the role of access to public goods and civic participation in governance in achieving a higher level of equality worldwide. Cinzia Alcidi of CEPS pointed to the need to prevent tax avoidance by multinationals that have exploited loopholes for too long. For Stijn Hoorens, increasing automation favours workers with intuitive creative skills and makes jobs with manual repetitive tasks disappear, thereby increasing inequality. Heather Grabbe of the Open Society Foundation argued that the combination of already-present social inequalities in society with new forms of highly personalised automated political targeting has given rise to the wave of populism we are seeing on a global scale.

The future of ageing

In a video introduction, Richard K. Morgan, author of the book and TV series Altered Carbon, evoked a future in which the rich would live forever, while the rest of the population would quickly become bored of life. Rainer Muenz, of the European Political Strategy Centre at the European Commission, stressed that there are three kinds of ageing: biological, as humans increase their life spans; demographic, as different age cohorts change size; and societal, as our understanding of what to do at a certain age changes. Lorna Harries of the University of Exeter highlighted that although ageing is natural, age-related diseases can be treated. With more funding into the causes of these diseases, we could live healthier for longer. For Mathew Burrows from the Atlantic Council, war-prone young populations and intergenerational inequality are the main side-effects of ageing trends internationally. Isabella Pirollo of the ESPAS Young Talent Network chaired this panel.

The future of universities

Lee C. Bollinger, President of Columbia University, started his keynote address by highlighting that the dual system of state and private universities in the USA has created a vibrant and creative atmosphere envied around the world. The main threats to the university come from the decreasing but still sizeable gap between university research interests and world affairs, from rising populist and nationalist politics, and from the general disrespect for truth and facts. In the ensuing conversation with the Parliament’s Secretary General Klaus Welle, President Bollinger discussed issues such as the need for an alliance of democracies that safeguard higher education and the challenges of the digital transformation. The session was chaired by the Director-General of EPRS, Anthony Teasdale.

Normandy Peace Index

Etienne Bassot and Elena Lazarou from EPRS and Serge Stroobants of the Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP) spoke about this new global peace index, developed by EPRS in collaboration with IEP. It measures each country’s position in relation to 11 key threats of peace, drawing attention to present and possible future areas of conflict. The Index is a new powerful tool for policy analysis and policy-making.

The future of power in a ‘poly-nodal’ world

In a video introduction, August Cole, author of Ghost Fleet, described how two fictional characters from his book, a silicon-valley big-wig and an eccentric space-industry billionaire, change the course of a US-Chinese conflict, set in 2040. Florence Gaub explained the concept of a poly-nodal world, in which winners and losers are determined by their ability to forge connections and rally others around a cause. She wondered whether Russia was able to build and maintain reliable connections. Simon Serfaty, formerly of CSIS, noted that the EU has enough wealth to be a power in the world – even if it is not a world power. He asked who would be at the top table in 2030, and suggested that for several years, too much time has been spent on marginal matters. Benedetta Berti of NATO’s policy planning staff underlined that strategic friendship is based on more than transactional content. Alexander Mattelaer of the Free University of Brussels argued for increased defence spending, and asked several challenging questions: should extra funding be spent within the NATO or the EU framework? What level of increase would create the possibility of EU strategic autonomy? In the chair, Maciej Popowski of EPRS noted the importance of being able to turn enemies into friends – a skill the USA seems to be neglecting.

From foresight to action

Ann Mettler led a discussion on the nature of foresight in government. She recalled the words of the new Vice-President of the European Commission for Interinstitutional Relations and Foresight, Maroš Šefčovič: ‘Foresight is not a luxury item. It’s a must’. Leon Fuerth, former National Security Advisor to US Vice President Al Gore, identified three differences between experts and politicians that have a negative impact on foresight: a lack of a common language; different missions; and conflicting values. Only a common purpose and the intervention of the public can overcome these issues. Mikko Duvfa of Sitra used three symbols for a new way to look at foresight. Entangled rubber bands stand for a holistic view of trends instead of a separated one. Campfires symbolise the need for humility and outreach. Thirdly, joint dreaming means inspiring the consumers of foresight instead of reporting to them. Oliver Gnad of the Bureau für Zeitgeschehen told the story of German government foresight. Germany’s strategic capacity improved only after changes to an anti-strategic mindset, the federal structure and misguided incentive structures. Finally, Bénédicte Rougé of the French Senate outlined the work of the Senate delegation for strategic foresight, which acts as a channel to political visibility and as a platform allowing citizens to tell their stories.

The future of ESPAS

Honorary President of ESPAS, James Elles, chairing the session, recounted how ESPAS developed into the inter-institutional system of long-term trends analysis that it is today and stated that its future looks bright. Klaus Welle noted that based on ESPAS research, Parliament had conducted a ‘back-casting’ exercise – it had looked at where it wanted to be in ten years and identified what capabilities were missing. Leo Schulte-Nordholt of the General Secretariat of the Council of the EU highlighted the value of the exchanges with academia and practitioners at the conference. ESPAS plays a vital role as a compass for the future and as a tool for cooperation. Ann Mettler voiced her appreciation at seeing ESPAS develop under her tenure. Pleased with the creation of an interinstitutional space of trust for important discussions, she looked forward to seeing others building on this success. Finally, Hervé Delphin of the EEAS stated that ESPAS is keeping decision-makers informed of foresight and its insights so that they can act on them, particularly in the foreign policy field, where short-term crisis seems to conceal long-term disasters. In closing, James Elles thanked the participants and Anne Mettler in particular, as outgoing chair.

Understanding EU environment policy: State-of-play and future challenges

Written by Vivienne Halleux and Ekaterina Karamfilova,

EPRS Director-General Anthony Teasdale introduced an EPRS Briefing Seminar on ‘Understanding EU environment policy: state-of-play and future challenges’ on Wednesday, 13 November 2019, as the second in a new series of events organised by EPRS, aiming to inform Members and their staff on EU policies and the institutions involved. The panel discussion, moderated by Sarah Blau, Head of Secretariat of the European Parliament’s Committee on the Environment, Food Safety and Public Health, featured speakers from the European Environment Agency, the European Commission and EPRS.

Ronan Uhel, Head of the Natural Capital and Ecosystems Programme of the European Environment Agency, explained the links between environmental issues and the evolution of EU environmental legislation. While it all started with the aim of tackling heavy environmental pollution and maintaining environmental media (e.g. air, water) in good shape, EU legislation has now become an instrument to address the degradation of our environment. In his view, the cause of this shift is that for the last 40-50 years, we have developed societies at the expense of their connection to their natural essence.

Silvia Bartolini, Head of the Inter-Institutional Relations Unit of DG Environment of the European Commission, presented the European Green Deal to which Commission President-elect Ursula von der Leyen committed in her political guidelines. Bartolini focused on the environmental pillar of the Green Deal, as well as on the financial aspects of the expected profound future transitions in the European economy and societies. In particular, in the coming years, the Commission will build its environmental policy on three flagship initiatives: biodiversity, a new circular economy action plan and a zero-pollution ambition for Europe.

Vivienne Halleux, Policy Analyst with the Economic Policies Unit of the EPRS Members’ Research Service, outlined the EU environment policy framework and presented an overview of Parliament’s work on the main legislative files in the last term, such as those linked to the circular economy action plan. She also highlighted some of the topics on Parliament’s agenda for the current term, such as biodiversity, water and air quality.

Ekaterina Karamfilova, a Policy Analyst with the Ex-post Evaluation Unit of EPRS, informed the public about the state-of-play of implementation of EU environment policy at national level. Referring to the findings of an EPRS study on the mid-term review of the ongoing 7th Environment Action Programme, she identified biodiversity, waste management, air pollution and noise as the most problematic areas. She also highlighted a few issues for the EP to watch during the new term and stressed on the importance of Member States’ capacities to implement environmental policies.

The fact that environmental concerns are not sufficiently integrated (mainstreamed) in other policy areas (for example, agriculture, transport, industry, etc.), and that breaking down these silos is needed, emerged as a shared issue of concern for the four panellists.

The next event in the series of EPRS Briefing Seminars will be held on Wednesday, 4 December, on Understanding EU policy on international crime and terrorism. As announced by Anthony Teasdale, a briefing seminar on EU climate policy is scheduled for February 2020.

Click to view slideshow.

EPRS Annual Lecture 2019 – Clash of Cultures: Transnational governance in post-war Europe

Written by Joanna Apap with Linus Siöland,

Focusing on transnational governance in the period since the end of World War II, this year’s EPRS annual lecture 2019 was delivered by Professor Wolfram Kaiser, Professor of European Studies at the University of Portsmouth, United Kingdom, who is this year’s non-Resident Visiting EPRS Fellow.

Director General of EPRS, Anthony Teasdale, launching the event, noted that it is the most recent in a series (that began with a lecture delivered by Professor Desmond Dinan), providing an opportunity to deepen our understanding of the history of the dynamics of the European Parliament. In addition, the lecture allows EPRS Fellows to present their research.

Wolfram Kaiser’s introduction then portrayed the peculiar mix of European governance traditions and practices that have evolved since the mid-twentieth century. These are: ‘technocratic internationalism’, the notion of governance by transnational experts in the interests of all; (ii) ‘neo-corporatist or consociational cooperation’ geared towards achieving broad consensus on policy-making, reflecting the EU’s heterogeneous character and government and societal actors’ national preferences; and (iii) the vision of the EU as ‘a supranational parliamentary democracy’, which puts ‘parliamentarisation’ of the EU centre stage.

Professor Wolfram Kaiser

Kaiser began by highlighting Jean Monnet’s technocratic internationalist idea of the ‘supranational character of cooperation’. Influenced by his work in the League of Nations and his wartime experiences, Monnet appreciated considering issues in their entirety, rather than in the frame of national interest or short-term gain, preferring to depoliticise issues and work towards a common interest. These views strongly influenced the early Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), providing an early basis for expert-driven decision-making. Kaiser continued by illustrating that neo-corporatist cooperation originated in the coal and steel cartels of post-war Europe, with proponents arguing that such working patterns could avoid ‘wasteful competition’. While Monnet was critical of cartels and did not include them in the ECSC, the practice of cooperative cartels nevertheless became embedded in the European economy, only declining with the increased prominence of liberal and free-market norms in the 1970s. Finally, Kaiser explained that the constitutionalisation of European integration followed warnings by French President Charles De Gaulle, among others, against the emergence of an ‘overbearing technocratic bureaucracy’, which lacked wider legitimacy. Kaiser then explained how the drive for a European parliamentary democracy that followed was shaped in large part by the emergence of European political groups, the European People’s Party and the Socialists and Democrats in particular.

For Kaiser, the historical development of European transnational government has produced four main challenges: by focusing on its output, rather than its legitimacy, the Commission has become an ‘easy target’ for criticism; consensus-driven policy-making has led to a perception of a lack of transparency that amplifies the populist rhetoric of ‘us versus them’; a number of Member States sought to blame the EU for a lack of solutions for inherently national issues at European level; the democratic deficit has persisted, despite Federalists’ hope that a stronger European Parliament would attenuate the issue. For Kaiser, the three governance traditions on which his research has focused have created tension and undermined each other, providing an opportunity for Europopulist attack.

Opening the ensuing discussion, Dr Heather Grabbe, Director of the Open Society European Policy Institute, highlighted the importance of taking a historical perspective of the EU. Only by studying these developments, can one properly understand the practices of transnational governance. Whilst Grabbe highlighted how adaptable the EU has proven to be, she also highlighted that, in new areas of policy action such as combating climate change, it is important that the EU takes care to avoid blame for individual states’ policy failures. However, it is exactly on policies such as climate change action, that the EU can make a bigger impact than national policy, looking to benefit future generations of Europeans.

Professor Brigid Laffan, Director of the European University Institute’s Robert Schuman Centre, then argued that today’s ‘joint decision trap’ has become more of a ‘politics trap’, with domestic politics increasingly influencing the work of the EU. Parliamentarisation may have increased politicisation, but the EU machinery has not yet adapted to this new landscape. In particular, she noted the continued and even increased relevance of European party families, with the growing influence of party group allegiance demonstrated in the recent Spitzenkandidaten process. However, Laffan noted, there is no democracy without politics. The period of intense treaty change that concluded with the adoption of the Lisbon treaty resulted in a much stronger EU, and today’s intensive transgovernmentalism. Pointing to the EU’s resilience in the face of financial and migration crises, Laffan also cautions against exaggerating the risk of the EU’s demise. In conclusion, Laffan argued that Euroscepticism should not be equated with nationalism in all cases, and that nationalism is not the same as populism. A liberal form of nationalism can be both pro-European and cosmopolitan. The EU has weathered the crises of the last decade and has emerged as a much stronger organisation. Ending on a positive note, Laffan feels that the EU can indeed adapt to the challenges it faces.

A recording of the EPRS Annual Lecture 2019 can be found here.

http://europarl.europa.eu/EPRS/Annual_Lecture_2019.MP3

Written by Marcin Grajewski,

© Respiro / Shutterstock.com

The European Union is a community of law, with the rule of law being a basic value since the Union’s inception. The President-elect of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, has confirmed a strong commitment to uphold the rule of law, which remains a shared responsibility for all EU institutions and all Member States. However, developments in several EU Member States – for example Czechia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Malta – have raised concerns over how far this commitment is actualy being observed in practice, sparking a lively debate across the EU and action in the EU institutions themselves.

This note offers links to recent commentaries, studies and reports from major international think tanks on the rule of law debate.

GENERAL ISSUES

Why can’t the EU’s West and East work as one?
Carnegie Europe, November 2019

So why don’t we just call the whole rule of law thing off, then?
Verfassungsblog, October 2019

Europeans face the risk of democratic regression: What can be done?
Jacques Delors Institute, September 2019

Charting a new path for V4–France cooperation
EUROPEUM, September 2019

Luxemburg as the last resort
Verfassungsblog, September 2019

Russian information warfare in Central and Eastern Europe: Strategies, impact, and counter-measures
German Marshall Fund, June 2019

Rules enforcement in the EU: Conditionality to the rescue?
Jacques Delors Institute Berlin, May 2019

Rule of law infringement procedures: A proposal to extend the EU’s rule of law toolbox
Centre for European Policy Studies, May 2019

EU policy on strengthening resilience in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia between the rule of law and oligarchic influence
European Policy Institutes Network, May 2019

Ten years after EULEX: Key principles for future EU flagship initiatives on the rule of law
Centre for European Policy Studies, May 2019

Rule of law in the EU beyond political divisions: Budgetary sanctions and a new programme for citizens
Stefan Batory Foundation, April 2019

Est-Ouest: Réalité et relativité d’un clivage
Notre Europe, March 2019

Systemic rivalry and balancing interests: Chinese investment meets EU law on the Belt and Road
Centre for European Policy Studies, March 2019

Can the V4’s priorities shape ‘Europe’s priorities’? The Multiannual Financial Framework 2021-2027
Institute for Foreign Affairs and Trade, February 2019

Safeguarding democracy in the European Union: A study on a European responsibility
Heinrich Böll Stiftung, December 2018

Was 2018 der Demokratie in der EU gebracht hat: Und worauf es jetzt ankommt
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, November 18

Nationalistic populism and its reception in Central Europe
Österreichische Gesellschaft für Europapolitik, October 2018

The Polish law on the Supreme Court in light of rulings of the Court of Justice of the EU
Stefan Batory Foundation, June 2018

Divisions in Europe expose the need for an ambitious reform of the EU
ÖGfE, June 2018

From pro-European alliance to eurosceptic protest group? The case of the Visegrad Group
Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies, May 2018

How can Europe repair breaches of the rule of law?
Notre Europe, April 2018

First victims or last guardians? The consequences of rule of law backsliding for NGOs: Case studies of Hungary and Poland
Centre for European Policy Studies, April 2018

The consensus fights back: European first principles against the rule of law crisis
Verfassungsblog, April 2018

Beneath the surface of illiberalism: The recurring temptation of ‘national democracy’ in Poland and Hungary, with lessons for Europe
Wise Europa, Heinrich Böll Stiftung, February 2017

Five steps the EU must take to protect civil society
Open Society Foundation, January 2018

Illiberal democracies in the EU: The Visegrad group and the risk of disintegration
Barcelona Centre for International Affairs, January 2018

Frontiers of democracy: Embedding democratic values in Central and Eastern Europe – Good practices and limits of transferability
Center for European Neighborhood Studies, January 2018

The Commission takes a step back in the fight for the Rule of Law
Verfassungsblog, January 2018

Infringement proceedings as a tool for the enforcement of fundamental rights in the European Union
Open Society Foundations, October 2017

Europe and its discontents: Poland’s collision course with the European Union
European Council on Foreign Relations, September 2017

Defending EU values in Poland and Hungary
Carnegie Europe, September 2017

Core European values under threat
Bertelsmann Stiftung, August 2017

The open society and its enemies: An attack against CEU, academic freedom and the rule of law
Centre for European Policy Studies, April 2017

The Commission’s decision on ‘less EU’ in safeguarding the rule of law: A play in four acts
Centre for European Policy Studies, March 2017

INDIVIDUAL COUNTRIES

The role of the Kremlin’s influence and disinformation in the Czech presidential elections
European Values, February 2018

Activities of Czech President Miloš Zeman as the Kremlin’s Trojan horse
European Values, January 2018

Andrej Babiš and the European Union: What to expect in 2018?
EUROPEUM, January 2018

Can EU funds promote the rule of law in Europe?
Centre for European Reform, November 2017

After the elections in the Czech Republic: The end of liberal democracy in Central Europe?
Heinrich Böll Stiftung, October 2017

Poles and Hungarians move the pendulum
Carnegie Europe, October 2019

Hungarian politics in 2018
Friedrich Ebert Foundation, January 2019

Shrinking spaces in Hungary and Poland
Carnegie Europe, October 2017

Viktor Orbán’s survival games
Carnegie Europe, April 2018

Hungarian politics is about to enter a new period
German Marshall Fund, April 2018

Cohesion policy and perceptions of the European Union in Hungary: A cultural political economy approach
Center for Policy Studies, December 2017

Orbán’s theatrical struggle against big, bad Berlin
Heinrich Böll Stiftung, October 2017

Political discrimination in Hungary: Case studies from the Hungarian justice system, local government, media, agriculture, education and civil sector
Policy Solutions, February 2017

Demokratie als Enttäuschung: Transformationserfahrungen in Ungarn
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, January 2017

Information warfare in Hungary
Institute for Foreign Affairs and Trade, January 2017

The Polish Senate under opposition control
Verfassungsblog, October 2019

Under siege: Why Polish courts matter for Europe
Stefan Batory Foundation, April 2019

System dyscyplinarny sędziów pod kontrolą ministra sprawiedliwości
Forum Obywatelskiego Rozwoju, February 2019

The revenge of the nation: Political passions in contemporary Poland
Notre Europe, January 2019

The Polish law on the Supreme Court in light of rulings of the Court of Justice of the EU
Stefan Batory Foundation, June 2018

Where the law ends: The collapse of the rule of law in Poland, and what to do
Stefan Batory Foundation, May 2018

The Court is dead, long live the courts? On judicial review in Poland in 2017 and “judicial space” beyond
Verfassungsblog, March 2018

Maintaining the rule of law in Poland: What next for the Article 7 proceedings?
Institute of International and European Affairs, February 2018

Report of the Stefan Batory Foundation legal expert group on the impact of the judiciary reform in Poland in 2015-2018
Stefan Batory Foundation, February 2018

Discussions on rule of law crisis in Poland
Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights, January 2018

Systemic threats to the rule of law in Poland: Between action and procrastination
Fondation Robert Schuman, November 2017

Polish civil society: Adapting to new pressures
Centre for Strategic and International Studies, December 2017

Stabilization policies and structural developments: Poland and the crises of 1929 and 2008
Center for Social and Economic Research, December 2017

The West matters to Poland
Carnegie Europe, November 2017

The influence of economic migration on the Polish economy
Center for Social and Economic Research, Fondation Robert Schuman, November 2017

New Pact for Europe: National Report, Poland
European Policy Centre, Institute of Public Affairs, November 2017

Deep rot in Slovakia
Verfassungsblog, October 2019

Frustration and hope: Slovakia after Kuciak’s murder
Centre for Eastern Studies, July 2019

An investigative journalist killed in Slovakia
Centre for Eastern Studies, February 2018

New Pact for Europe: National Report, Slovakia
European Policy Centre, GLOBSEC, November 2017

Strengthening Social Democracy in the Visegrad Countries: Limits and Challenges faced by Smer‑SD
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, January 2017

Read this briefing on ‘Rule of law‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Clare Ferguson and Katarzyna Sochaka,

© European Union 2019 – Source : EP/Philippe BUISSIN

The November I plenary session highlights included statements and debates on the 30th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall and on the 30th anniversary of the adoption of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Parliament also debated statements made by the Vice-President of the European Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR/VP) on Turkish drilling activities in European Union waters in the Eastern Mediterranean, and on the situation in Bolivia and in Chile. Debates took place, inter alia, on Commission and Council statements on the international day to end impunity for crimes against journalists, on the resurgence of Ebola in East Africa, as well as on the situation of migrants in Bosnia and Herzegovina and on the hotspots in Greek islands.

30th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall

Parliament marked the 30th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall in the presence of Wolfgang Schäuble, President of the German Bundestag. The European Parliament of the time closely followed the swift reunification of the German nation, which took less than a year. The former German Democratic Republic was able to integrate into the European Economic Community through a special procedure. Parliament set up a Temporary Committee, which emphasised the opportunities of German reunification to foster greater European integration, to prevent the undermining of the single market, and to take the wider context of relations with central and eastern Europe into account, all of which remain key issues for the EU today.

Children’s rights on the 30th anniversary of the Convention of the Rights of the Child

Members also marked the 30th anniversary (on 20 November) of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, debating Council and Commission statements on EU action in this field (and will vote on a resolution during the November II session). The convention was the first international treaty to recognise children as human beings with innate rights, outlining universal standards for the care, treatment, survival, development, protection and participation of all children. Since entering into force in 1990, conditions for children have improved, but child poverty in the EU remains a reality, and the Europe 2020 strategy is helping to tackle this. Nevertheless, children’s rights are a priority issue in EU external action, where pursuing the UN Sustainable Development Goals means emphasising healthy, well-nourished and protected children as the basis for a long-term sustainable society.

Situation of migrants in Bosnia

Members debated Council and Commission statements on the situation of migrants in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where around 8 000 people, originating from southern Asia and the Middle East are currently present, mainly in Bihać. Despite EU funds being available, the country has been unable to establish additional locations for temporary reception centres. Unable to cope, local authorities have restricted movement and forcibly transferred migrants to unsuitable sites, while neighbouring Croatia has allegedly pushed migrants back into Bosnia and Herzegovina, in violation of international norms on non-refoulement. Consequently, Bosnia and Herzegovina risks a serious humanitarian emergency in this winter.

Opening of trilogue negotiations

A Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs Committee (LIBE) decision to enter into interinstitutional (trilogue) negotiations was confirmed. The LIBE committee may therefore begin negotiations on the proposal for a regulation concerning transfer of the False and Authentic Documents Online (FADO) system to Frontex.

This ‘at a glance’ note is intended to review some of the highlights of the plenary part-session, and notably to follow up on key dossiers identified by EPRS. It does not aim to be exhaustive. For more detailed information on specific files, please see other EPRS products, notably our ‘EU legislation in progress’ briefings, and the plenary minutes.

Read this ‘at a glance’ on ‘Plenary round-up – Strasbourg, November I 2019‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Isabelle Gaudeul-Ehrhart,

The recent EPRS book talk centred on the art and craft of political speechwriting, a subject that aroused a good deal of interest. More than 200 people – MEPs, assistants, and staff of the European Parliament and other institutions – came to listen to one of the authors of ‘The Political Speechwriter’s Companion‘.

Eric Schnure, former speechwriter to Vice-President Al Gore, was in conversation with Gaby Umbach, from the European University Institute, here as moderator, and Isabelle Gaudeul‑Ehrhart, from EPRS, as the discussant.

Gaby Umbach introduced the conversation by framing it within the series of EPRS events and against the historical and current political backdrop. Eric Schnure then shared his experience of what makes a good speech, starting with his own experience of two speeches, one by President Reagan, the other by Vice-President Gore – a speech that would later evolve into the film ‘An inconvenient truth’. Both these speeches grew from a very small, specific element that was then shown to be relevant to everyone. The best speeches are the ones that are meaningful for the audience. Schnure then reflected on the level of the current political debate, in an age of instant communication and soundbites, and warned the audience against being too quick to blame social media.

As the discussant, Isabelle Gaudeul-Ehrhart first questioned whether speech writing and delivery are skills that can be learnt. Having explained that they can, referring to both extracts from the book and to her own experience, she then asked whether these skills are inherently American. Building on the authors’ experience of giving training in Europe, Asia and Africa, and touching on the history of rhetoric in Europe, from Ancient Greece to the present day, she concluded that the discipline is definitely not uniquely American but rather was born in Europe and resonates worldwide. Finally, she explored the reasons for the book’s emphasis on ethics.

Eric Schnure confirmed that, even if certain features can be very American (e.g. inviting a surprise guest to be present in the audience), the art of powerful speeches is universal and is ultimately about how we can relate to each other in society. On ethics, Schnure expressed his view that the sheer volume of lies in current political discourse is unprecedented, but argued, by contrast, that very little work is necessary to show a fallacious argument for what it really is.

Speeches are universal and so is storytelling. Once again, whereas Americans are more prone to telling stories in their speeches, that does not make storytelling an American-only feature. European leaders do tell stories as well and often with much impact.

The conversation included several questions from the audience on recent trends, including on how jokes can be risky whereas wit is reliable, the importance of treating your audience with respect, and the multicultural and multilingual dimensions of speeches at European level. The net result was to reveal a lively interest in a discipline that was born in Europe more than 2 000 years ago and is still very much needed in politics today.

The book talk concluded with a consideration of the relevance of these skills for speakers and speechwriters in the EU, and of this book for the European Parliament and its Research Service.

Eric Schnure – Gaby Umbach – Isabelle Gaudeul-Ehrhart

A recording of the book talk can be found here.

http://europarl.europa.eu/EPRS/Eric-Schnure.MP3

Written by Marcin Grajewski,

Taking the already excellent relations between the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the European Parliamentary Research Service (EPRS) to an even higher level, the IMF chose to launch its ‘European Regional Economic Outlook’ during an EPRS event on the direction of Europe’s economy in a global context on 6 November 2019. This first joint EPRS-IMF policy roundtable was also a new opportunity for the IMF to make a first presentation of a flagship, market-moving publication on EPRS premises, and took place in the European Parliament’s Library Reading Room. The event, entitled ‘Where next for the European Economy: The latest IMF European Regional Outlook in a global context’, discussed the short and medium-term future of the European economy in a global context, which is marred by a trade conflict between China and the United States, as well as uncertainty about the world’s rules-based economic and political order.

According to the IMF report, as in the rest of the world, European trade and manufacturing have weakened, with signs that the slowdown is spreading to the rest of the economy. The optimistic signal is that services and consumption remain relatively resilient in line with strong labour markets and looser financial conditions that support domestic demand. However, investment is starting to lose steam. The IMF therefore predicts that growth will moderate from 2.3 % in 2018 to 1.4 % in 2019, its lowest rate since 2013. In 2020, growth is projected to recover modestly, to 1.8 %, as international trade is expected to rebound. Nevertheless, if trade disputes remain unresolved, the outlook could darken.

‘We are currently in a synchronised global slowdown and Europe is no exception. Manufacturing and trade have weakened considerably … Consumption remains relatively resilient’, noted Poul Thomsen, Director of the European Department at the IMF, presenting the report.

The IMF advises those countries who can afford to do so to implement fiscal stimuli, while highly indebted countries should move towards the EU-mandated Medium Term Objectives, which encourage them to adjust their structural budgetary positions at a rate of 0.5 % of GDP per year as a benchmark. The European Central Bank policy should remain accommodative, although caution is required thanks to strong labour markets and wage growth in some countries.

Othmar Karas, Vice-President of the European Parliament, in charge of relations, among others, with the IMF, opened the conference with a scene-setting speech, while Anthony Teasdale, ERPS Director-General, moderated the event. Other members of the panel included Robert Holzmann, Governor of the Austrian Central Bank, and Maria Demertzis, Deputy Director at the Bruegel think tank.

http://europarl.europa.eu/EPRS/IMF.MP3

Vice-President Karas acknowledged that the European economic situation is not rosy. ‘The trade conflict, from which the USA has not spared Europe, lowers productivity by disrupting supply chains, causes turmoil on financial markets and reduces investment due to uncertainty. Foreign direct investment abroad by advanced economies came almost to a standstill’, he said. However, he noted that the EU is now stronger and more resilient than in the wake of the financial crisis, when some said that the euro area was in an existential crisis. ‘Our economy has grown for seven consecutive years, creating 14 million jobs. We mobilised considerable investment resources through the “Juncker Fund”‘ he said. Karas added that, in his role of Vice-President responsible for information policy, press and relations with citizens, he plans to organise a series of public seminars in national capitals, with the participation of organisations such as the IMF and the World Bank, to raise awareness of the common challenges and facilitate cooperation among governments.

Commenting on the IMF presentation, the President of the Central Bank of Austria, Robert Holzmann, offered an insightful analysis of the ECB’s monetary policies, and Bruegel’s Maria Demertzis pointed to several conundrums in the European economy. She explained that those countries that should stimulate their economies fiscally, cannot afford to do so; while those who do, should not do so in the short-term to avoid pro-cyclical policy. However, they could devise mid- or long-term investment plans. The impact of the ECB’s unconventional monetary measures, on the other hand, have not been studied enough. ‘In fiscal policy we do not have much space, and on monetary policy, if you decide to do some more, you will have to do it basically with your eyes closed’, according to Demertzis. Creating a substantial fiscal capacity at the level of the euro would be a good idea, but there is little political appetite for the move.

The next joint EPRS-IMF event is planned for the first semester in 2020.

Click to view slideshow.

Written by Clare Ferguson,

While the agenda for the European Parliament’s November I mini plenary session, to be held in Brussels on Wednesday, 13 and Thursday, 14 November, may at first glance look a little sparse, Members still have a busy week ahead, with hearings scheduled for Thursday for the three remaining Commissioners-designate.

© Architectes : Vandenbossche SPRL, CRV S.A., CDG S.P.R.L., Studiegroep D. Bontinck, ©Façade et Hémicycle – Arch M. Boucquillon Belgium – European Union 2019 – Source : EP

With the three candidates’ declarations of financial interests having satisfied the Legal Affairs Committee on 12 November, the first full hearing to take place will be that of Olivér Várhelyi, candidate for the neighbourhood and enlargement portfolio (before the Foreign Affairs Committee at 08:00 on 14 November). Currently Hungary’s Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the EU, Várhelyi, a lawyer, has long experience of working on EU affairs. The hearing before the Transport and Tourism Committee for Adina Vălean, a long-standing (since the country’s accession in 2007) Romanian Member of the European Parliament and the current Chair of the Industry, Research and Energy Committee, follows at 13:00. Candidate for the transport portfolio, Vălean has experience, as rapporteur, of related files, such as the e-Call legislation and Connecting Europe Facility. At the same time, the hearing for Thierry Breton, an accomplished businessman, academic and author and the French candidate for the internal market portfolio, will take place before the Internal Market and Consumer Protection, and Industry, Research and Energy committees jointly. Should the respective committees agree that the three Commissioners-designate are ready to take up these portfolios, a vote in Parliament’s plenary to confirm the 2019-2024 Commission as a whole would be expected to take place in Strasbourg on 27 November, allowing the von der Leyen Commission to take office on 1 December, one month later than planned.

As the previous Commission meanwhile continues as a caretaker administration, little new business is arriving with Parliament for scrutiny. Nonetheless, Parliament will still consider some highly topical issues. The first of these is scheduled for Wednesday afternoon, when Parliament will mark the 30th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall in the presence of Wolfgang Schäuble, the President of the German Bundestag. The swift reunification of the German nation, which took less than a year, was followed closely by the European Parliament of the time. The former German Democratic Republic was able to integrate into the European Economic Community through a special procedure, with a Temporary Committee set up by Parliament. That committee emphasised the opportunities of German reunification to foster greater European integration, to prevent undermining of the single market, and to take the wider context of relations with central and eastern Europe into account, all of which remain key issues for the EU today.

Members will also mark the 30th anniversary (on 20 November) of the United Nations Convention of the Rights of the Child on Wednesday (and will vote on a resolution during the November II session), with Council and Commission statements on EU action in this field. The convention was the first international treaty to recognise children as human beings with innate rights. Since its entry into force in 1990, conditions for children have improved, but child poverty in the EU remains a reality, especially for disadvantaged groups, and the EU is helping to tackle child poverty under the Europe 2020 strategy. Nevertheless, children’s rights are also a priority issue in EU external action, where following up on the UN Sustainable Development Goals means placing a fundamental emphasis on healthy, well-nourished and protected children as the basis for a long-term sustainable society. Migrant families are often among those groups where children are disadvantaged, and migration to the EU returns to the Parliament agenda on Thursday morning, with Council and Commission statements on the situation of migrants in Bosnia and in the hotspots on the Greek islands.

Finally, the outgoing Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the EU for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Federica Mogherini, is due to make a statement on Turkish drilling activities in EU waters in the Eastern Mediterranean. An increase in offshore gas exploration and exploitation in the region has long been predicted, but dispute has arisen between Cyprus and Turkey regarding drilling in the Cypriot economic exclusion zone.

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Written by Irina Popescu,

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On 30 May 2018, the European Commission issued a proposal to revise the fisheries control system by modernising and simplifying the monitoring of fisheries activities, improving the enforcement and updating a control system that was conceived before the 2013 CFP reform. The revision centres on the amendment of the Control Regulation 1224/2009. The proposal introduces requirements for more complete fisheries data, including an electronic tracking system for all fishing vessels, fully digitised reporting of catches with electronic logbooks and landing declarations applicable to all vessels, and catch-declaration rules for recreational fisheries. It improves traceability through digitalised identification and declaration along the supply chain for all fishery and aquaculture products, whether from EU fisheries or imported. The enforcement rules are thoroughly revised, with a common list of activities defined as serious infringements and corresponding sanctions, as well as a strengthened point system. The proposal also revises the mandate of the European Fisheries Control Agency (EFCA), to fully align its objectives with the CFP and to upgrade its inspection powers, and Regulation 1005/2008 on illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing, to introduce a digital catch certification scheme for imported fishery products.

Versions

• November 2019:  ‘Revising the fisheries control system‘ (1st edition)

Proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Council Regulation (EC) No 1224/2009, and amending Council Regulations (EC) No 768/2005, (EC) No 1967/2006, (EC) No 1005/2008, and Regulation (EU) No 2016/1139 of the European Parliament and of the Council as regards fisheries control Committee responsible: Fisheries (PECH) COM(2018) 368, 30.5.2018. Rapporteur: Clara Aguilera (S&D, Spain) 2018/0193(COD) Shadow rapporteurs: Francisco José Millán Mon (EPP, Spain)
Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (Renew, Spain)
Grace O’Sullivan (Greens/EFA, Ireland)
Rosanna Conte (ID, Italy)
Bert-Jan Ruissen (ECR, Netherlands)
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL, Portugal) Ordinary legislative procedure (COD) (Parliament and Council on equal footing – formerly ‘co-decision’) Next steps expected: Publication of new draft report by rapporteur for new parliamentary term

Written by Frederik Scholaert,

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Oceans cover more than two thirds of the earth and are a vital element of life on our planet. Not only are they a primary source of food, they are also central to the carbon cycle; they regulate the climate and produce most of the oxygen in the air we breathe. They also play an important socio-economic role. The ‘blue economy’, covering traditional sectors such as fisheries, extraction of oil and gas, maritime transport and coastal tourism, as well as new, fast-growing industries such as offshore wind, ocean energy and blue biotechnology, shows great potential for further economic growth, employment creation and innovation.

At the same time, oceans face pressures, mainly associated with the over-exploitation of resources, pollution and the effects of climate change. In recent years, ocean pollution from plastics has received more attention from the public and has been high on policy-makers’ agendas.

At global level, the European Union is an active player in protecting oceans and shaping ocean governance. It has made progress by taking measures in a series of areas: maritime security, marine pollution, sustainable blue economy, climate change, marine protection, and sustainable fisheries; by working towards the United Nations 2030 Agenda sustainable development goal on oceans; and by taking part in negotiations on a new international legally binding instrument on the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological diversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction. In encouraging the blue economy, the EU also recognises the environmental responsibilities that go along with it. Healthy, clean oceans guarantee the long-term capacity to sustain such economic activities, while a natural decline threatens the ecosystem of the planet as a whole and ultimately, the well-being of our societies. The conservation of marine biological resources under the common fisheries policy, EU action under the Marine Strategy Framework Directive and the establishment of marine protected areas are key EU policies when it comes to protecting the marine environment. They are complemented by recent environmental legislation such as the Directive on single-use plastics to reduce marine litter.

Read this briefing on ‘Ocean governance and blue growth: Challenges, opportunities and policy responses‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Christian Salm,

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This year marks the 30th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, set in motion by the events of 9 November 1989, which led to Germany’s full reunification within less than a year. The accession of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) to the Federal Republic of Germany (Federal Republic) completed the reunification process on 3 October 1990. Moreover, with the accession of the former GDR to the Federal Republic, the GDR integrated into the European Economic Community (EEC) of the time via a special procedure. As the GDR’s status as a subject of international law ended with its accession to the Federal Republic, a normal EEC Treaty accession procedure was not possible. The European Parliament followed the chain of profound political developments triggered by the fall of the Berlin Wall closely.

1989 – A historical turning point

In the contemporary history of Europe and its integration process, 1989 was a crucial turning point. The fall of the Berlin Wall in November of that year was one of several events that launched democratic change in central and eastern Europe. Events in 1989 included: the end of the Hungarian communist power monopoly (January); Tadeusz Mazowiecki’s victory in partially free elections in Poland (June); overthrow of the Bulgarian Head of State and Party Leader Todor Zhivkov (November); the execution of Romanian President Nicolae Ceauşescu, and the election of human rights activist Václav Havel as President of Czechoslovakia (December). Nevertheless, the fall of the Berlin Wall particularly characterised 1989 as a historical turning point, signalling the end of the 50-year east-west conflict and the beginning of today’s free movement throughout Europe. At the time, the EEC was about to implement the goals of the 1986 Single European Act, the first major revision of the 1957 Treaty of Rome, and intended to establish the single market by December 1992. Against this background, the European Parliament paid particular attention in its debates and analyses regarding the far-reaching political changes in central and eastern Europe and the impact of the process of German unification on the EEC.

European Parliament response to the fall of the Berlin Wall

The European Parliament reacted quickly to the November 1989 events in Berlin. As the Parliament’s Committee on Legal Affairs was meeting in the Reichstag from 8 to 10 November, some Members of the European Parliament actually experienced the opening of borders between East and West Berlin at first-hand. In a public statement of 10 November, the Committee welcomed the GDR authorities’ decision to ease border crossings at the inner-German border. Due to uncertainty regarding whether borders might remain open, the Committee’s public statement also expressed the hope that the GDR authorities would abolish remaining restrictions on passenger transport at the inner-German border within a very short time.

Some days later, on 22 November 1989, the European Parliament held a plenary debate on the events in central and eastern Europe. The attendance of two members of the European Council, French President François Mitterrand and Federal Chancellor Helmut Kohl, underpinned the high political relevance of this debate, with the fall of the Berlin Wall a prominent topic. In his speech, Kohl stated that ‘Germany will be completely united only if progress is made towards the unification of our old continent. Policy on Germany and policy on Europe are completely inseparable’. Kohl’s speech therefore clearly indicated that his enlargement policy was based on an awareness that a united Germany would need support from Europe and the EEC. The speech also aimed at allaying European partners’ fears that a united Germany would aspire to European hegemony.

A European Parliament resolution following the debate also included the message that German reunification and European integration were two sides of the same coin. It stressed that ‘having regard to recent developments in the GDR, and notably the opening of the Berlin Wall … the closer integration of the EEC will create the basis for closer cooperation with the states of Central and Eastern Europe … and closer ties between the German states’. To study the broader possible consequences of German reunification, especially with a view to the European integration process, the European Parliament set up a Temporary Committee to consider the impact of the German unification process on the EEC.

Temporary Committee to consider the impact of the process of German reunification on the EEC

Jacques Delors, President of the European Commission at the time, inspired the creation of the Temporary Committee, pointing out to the European Parliament in January 1990 that, given the special situation in the GDR after the fall of the Berlin Wall, it was conceivable that East Germany might rapidly integrate into the EEC. In response to this political assessment, Parliament decided to create a Temporary Committee tasked with analysing the impact of GDR integration into the EEC on the latter’s fields of activity, to make a constructive Community contribution to the German unification process, and to adapt the EEC itself to the new geopolitical landscape.

Set up in February 1990, the Temporary Committee consisted of 20 Members. Among them were three former foreign ministers: Claude Cheysson (France), Fernando Morán López (Spain), and Leo Tindemans (Belgium). Furthermore, former President of the European Parliament, Simone Veil (France), and former West German Ambassador to the United Nations, Rüdiger von Wechmar, sat on the committee. The inclusion of such major European political figures demonstrated the importance of the Temporary Committee within the European Parliament.

At its constituent meeting, the Temporary Committee drew up a plan of action enabling it to consider the institutional aspects of German reunification, the overall political context, and the impact on EEC sectoral policies. To cover these different areas, the Committee held discussions at its regular meetings with representatives of the governments of the GDR, the Federal Republic and even the United States and Soviet Union. Moreover, the Temporary Committee, with the help of the Parliament’s Directorate-General for Research, collected information and opinions on the situation in the GDR from across the political spectrum. These activities contributed to the work of the Committee’s rapporteur, Alan John Donnelly (United Kingdom), a Member of the Group of the European Socialists of the time. Parliament adopted Donnelly’s interim report in plenary in July 1990.

The report emphasised the need to bring about European integration in parallel with German reunification. It proposed to prevent derogations and transitional measures granted to the former GDR from weakening central EEC objectives, including the full achievement of the single market. Moreover, the report underlined the need to place the German reunification process within the wider context of relations with central and eastern Europe. The report argued that the GDR’s entry into the EEC could play an important bridge function with those countries. The report also looked at a number of other specific policy issues raised by German reunification, such as industrial and competition policy considerations, transport and telecommunications, energy and research, and economic and social cohesion. In addition, the report proposed to assign observer status in the European Parliament to representatives from the former GDR.

Representation of the former GDR in the European Parliament

The suggestion to give observer status to representatives of the GDR aimed at responding to the need to represent the 17 million inhabitants of East Germany in the EEC after the accession of the former GDR to the EEC. The Federal Republic refrained from both requesting additional Commissioners and greater voting power within the Council. However, it demanded representation for the East German Länder in the European Parliament. Complying with this demand raised two particularly problematic issues for the Parliament: First, any changes in the number of Members would have disturbed the balanced system of representation, according to the size of each country’s population but with an equal number of Members (81) for each of the EEC’s most populous countries (France, Italy, the United Kingdom and West Germany). Second, it would have been incompatible with democratic principles if, following German reunification, East German citizens were to be represented for a considerable period by Members they had not themselves elected. The solution found was to invite 18 non-voting Members from East Germany to the European Parliament as observers. Finally, in the 1994 election, the number of MEPs elected in Germany was increased by that amount. Current German Member, Constanze Krehl (S&D), was one of these East German observers from 1991 to 1994.

German reunification and European Union

The Temporary Committee adopted its final political report in November 1990. It again emphasised the need to pursue the process of German reunification in parallel with European integration. Moreover, the report stated that German reunification should be considered as a step towards European union. In fact, German reunification contributed to creating the momentum for the EEC leaders of the period to launch the December 1990 intergovernmental conference on European monetary union and political union, which concluded at the Maastricht Summit in December 1991, and the agreement to promulgate a new treaty on European Union.

Read this ‘at a glance’ on ‘European Parliament and the path to German reunification‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Laura Tilindyte,

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Since its inception in 1951, the European Parliament has come a long way. Initially a consultative body composed of delegations of national parliaments, it became a directly elected institution, obtained budgetary and legislative powers, and now exercises influence over most aspects of EU affairs. Together with representatives of national governments, who sit in the Council, Parliament co-decides on European legislation, in what could be seen as a bicameral legislature at EU level. It can reject or amend the European Commission’s proposals before adopting them so that they become law. Together with the Council of the EU, it adopts the EU budget and controls its implementation.

Another core set of European Parliament prerogatives concerns the scrutiny of the EU executive – mainly the Commission. Such scrutiny can take many forms, including parliamentary questions, committees of inquiry and special committees, and scrutiny of delegated and implementing acts. Parliament has made use of these instruments to varying degrees. Parliament has the power to dismiss the Commission (motion of censure), and it plays a significant role in the latter’s appointment process.

Parliament has a say over the very foundations of the EU. Its consent is required before any new country joins the EU, and before a withdrawal treaty is concluded if a country decides to leave it. Most international agreements entered into by the EU with third countries also require Parliament’s consent. Parliament can initiate Treaty reform, and also the ‘Article 7(1) TEU’ procedure, aimed at determining whether there is a (risk of) serious breach of EU values by a Member State.

Read this briefing on ‘The powers of the European Parliament‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Gregor Erbach,

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It is hard these days to imagine (or remember) life without smartphones and computers, without online services helping us with almost every aspect of our daily lives, be that at work – for communication and general productivity – or in our free time – for travel bookings, shopping, banking or entertainment … The list goes on. Meanwhile, more and more everyday objects can now be connected to the internet. Lightbulbs, televisions, refrigerators, vehicles, medical devices and industrial control systems are just a few examples of devices that can be linked up to the ‘internet of things’.

Naturally, these developments offer countless opportunities for new services and business models in the digital single market. However, at the same time they also represent new ways for cybercriminals and others to steal data, money and identities, spread disinformation, and generally cause serious physical and economic damage. These threats are on the increase, in terms of both scale and impact, and can sometimes affect critical infrastructure and democratic processes, heightening the need for thorough risk analysis and effective protection.

This is the backdrop to European Cyber Security Month, which is run every October by ENISA (the European Union Agency for Network and Information Security) together with the European Commission and other partners. The campaign first took place on a small scale in 2012 and has been growing ever since. It now involves hundreds of activities and events throughout the EU and beyond, with a view to reminding citizens of the risks and threats, raising awareness of how to protect against them, and spreading best practice.

The general message for this October’s European Cyber Security Month was that cyber security is everybody’s responsibility. This message was supported by two main themes: the first was ‘cyber hygiene’, helping the public to get into the good habits necessary to stay safe on line; the second focused on staying safe in the context of new and emerging technology.

Meanwhile, in September 2017, the Commission adopted a cybersecurity package with new initiatives to further improve EU cyber-resilience and prepare for the challenges ahead. More specifically, the co-legislators adopted the Cybersecurity Act in April 2019. This new regulation has given ENISA greater powers and introduced a European cybersecurity certification framework to reassure buyers of digital products and services and improve market access for suppliers. To promote and coordinate European cybersecurity research, the Commission is proposing to set up a cybersecurity competence centre and network. The European Parliament adopted its position on the proposal earlier this year and is now in negotiations with the Council.

So, how is your cyber hygiene? The European Parliament’s IT department put together a special quiz for European Cyber Security Month: why not click on the link and give it a try!

Written by Elena Lazarou with Nicholas Lokker,

On 24 September 2019, the Speaker of the United States House of Representatives, Nancy Pelosi (Democrat, California), announced the launch of an impeachment inquiry into President Donald Trump, the fourth President in the history of the United States to face the prospect of such an inquiry. The US Constitution provides for an impeachment process, but interpretations of the relevant clauses vary, creating controversy.

Background

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On 24 September 2019, the Speaker of the United States (US) House of Representatives (the House), Nancy Pelosi, announced the launch of an impeachment inquiry into the President, Donald Trump. The direct motivation for this decision was a whistle-blower’s complaint alleging that Trump had pressured the Ukrainian President, Volodymyr Zelenskiy, to investigate Joe Biden, a potential Trump rival in the 2020 presidential election, during a phone call on 25 July. On 25 September, the House passed resolution H.RES. 576: ‘Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives with respect to the whistleblower complaint of August 12, 2019, made to the Inspector General of the Intelligence Community’. The resolution demanded immediate transmission of the whistle-blower’s complaint to the Congressional intelligence committees. The bill was introduced by Representative Adam B. Schiff (Democrat, California), Chair of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, which oversees the US intelligence agencies.

Impeachment in the US Constitution

An impeachment inquiry is one of the many steps of the process of impeachment and removal provided for in the US Constitution. Inquiry (also referred to as investigation) is a political process preceding the possible House vote on the articles of impeachment provided for in the Constitution.
Article II, Section 4 of the Constitution states that the ‘President, Vice President, and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors’.

How does the impeachment process work? The roles of the House and the Senate

Article I, Sections 2 and 3 describe the impeachment process in the US Congress. As shown in Figure 1, while the House alone holds the power to instigate the process, the final vote to remove an official from office takes place in the Senate. Within the House, the impeachment process proceeds in three phases: (1) initiation of the impeachment process; (2) Judiciary Committee investigation, hearings, and mark-up of articles of impeachment (meetings to propose and vote on a draft bill ‘marking up’ the legislation before Committee members); (3) full House consideration of the articles of impeachment. Initiation can either take the form of a resolution calling for an impeachment (subsequently referred to the Committee on the Judiciary), or of a call for investigation of an official by a standing committee or a special committee for that purpose (subsequently referred to the Committee on Rules, which has jurisdiction over the authorisation of committee investigations). According to the Congressional Research Service, the 2019 process has proceeded on the basis of a third option, whereby, following the Speaker’s statement that the House is launching an ‘official impeachment Inquiry’, the House ‘might take the position that such an inquiry is already underway, and opt to allow its committees to continue their ongoing investigations or begin new inquiries using their existing investigative tools and authorities’. The Speaker’s statement directed six committees to proceed with the investigation, following which the Committee responsible may recommend a set of ‘Articles of Impeachment’ to the full House in the form of a simple resolution. If the articles are adopted, they are sent to the Senate for trial, presided over by the Chief Justice of the US (currently John G. Roberts, a 2005 Bush nominee). Although constitutional experts differ on whether the Senate is obliged to hold a trial, the current Senate Majority Leader, Mitch McConnell, has confirmed he would do so.

While the Constitution is sufficiently clear about who may be impeached and the process for doing so, there has been significant debate around permissible reasons for impeachment. Specifically, one can interpret ‘high Crimes and Misdemeanors’ in various ways. Academics have typically argued that this rules out impeachment ‘simply for incompetence or general unfitness for office […] It is a remedy for abuses of public office’. Yet, where one can choose to make this distinction for an individual case remains undefined. For instance, it is not clear whether an official must act with ill intention, or whether both private as well as public offences can be grounds for impeachment. One of the most contentious points is whether impeachment requires the literal breach of a US law. Certain experts have held that this is not necessary: ‘abuse of power, corruption and injury to the nation’ is enough. Yet, many take the opposite view, arguing that this interpretation is not ‘consistent with the text or spirit of the Constitution’.

Figure 1 – Impeachment in six steps

Impeachment and politics

Impeachment is in practice both a legal and a political process. Since the power of impeachment rests with
Congress, a politicised institution, it is natural that political calculations often affect the process. As former
US President Gerald Ford famously remarked, ‘An impeachable offense is whatever a majority of the House of Representatives considers it to be at a given moment in history’. Following the mid-term election of 2018, the US Congress is divided, with a Democrat majority in the House of Representatives and a Republican majority in the Senate. While Democrats alone fulfil the percentage requirement in the House to move to trial (51 %), Republicans hold only 53 of the 100 Senate seats, where a two-thirds majority is required. Even if all Democrat and Independent Senators were to vote in favour of impeachment, at least 20 Senate Republicans would need to find the President guilty for the latter to be removed from office.

To date, the House has voted to impeach 19 officials; but only two Presidents: Andrew Johnson in 1868, charged with violating the Tenure of Office Act, and Bill Clinton in 1998, accused of obstructing justice by lying to a grand jury under oath. A third President, Richard Nixon, was the target of impeachment proceedings in 1974 for his cover-up of the Watergate scandal, but resigned before the House voted. Ultimately, the Senate voted to acquit both Johnson and Clinton. There is therefore no precedent for the removal of a US President from office by impeachment. Read this ‘at a glance’ on ‘Impeachment of the United States President‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.