Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik / Analysen

The Water-Energy-Food Nexus has emerged over the past decade as a useful concept to reduce trade-offs and increase synergies in promoting goals of water, energy and food securities. While WEF scholarship substantiates the biophysical interlinkages and calls for increased and effective coordination across sectors and levels, knowledge on conditions for effective coordination is still lacking. Analysing WEF nexus governance from a polycentricity perspective may contribute to better understanding coordination. In this paper, we propose a conceptual framework for analysing WEF nexus governance based on the Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework and the concept of Networks of Adjacent Action Situations (NAAS). The interdependence among transactions for pursuing WEF securities by actors in different action situations generates the need for coordination for changing or sustaining institutions, policy goals and policy instruments that guide actions leading to sustainable outcomes. Coordination is attained through arrangements based on cooperation, coercion or competition. Coordination in complex social-ecological systems is unlikely to be achieved by a single governance mode but rather by synergistic combinations of governance modes. Particular coordination arrangements that emerge in a context depend on the distribution of authority, information and resources within and across interlinked decision-making centres. Further, integrating the political ecology based conceptualisations of power into the analytical framework extends the governance analysis to include the influence of power relations on coordination. Methodological innovation in delineating action situations and identifying the unit of analysis as well as integrating different sources and types of data is required to operationalise the conceptual framework.

Coherence and coordination among interdependent policy sectors are considered key for the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Literature on policy coherence argues that a lack of coordination may lead to policy incoherence; however, literature on coordination also sometimes points to the reversed causality that incoherencies in policies or in governance functions (functional incoherence) may hinder coordinated policy outcomes; in fact, these assumptions have rarely been further theorized or tested empirically. In this paper, we hypothesize the higher functional or policy coherence, the higher coordination at process level and the higher the likelihood that coordination at process level is translated into coordination at outcome level. We test this hypothesis for cross-sectoral coordination challenges among different water using sectors in six different basins located in Germany, Iran, Mongolia, Spain, and South Africa. At first glance, four cases seem to confirm the first part of the hypothesis for functional coherence and three for policy coherence. It remains difficult to establish causality. Whether functional and policy coherence translate into coordination at process level seems to depend on a functioning coordination body. We further find that functional and policy incoherencies may either lead to coordination problems (in view of conflicts of interest) or even go along with a high level of coordination at the process level, possibly to compensate for incoherencies. Neither functional nor policy coherence change the relationship of coordination at process and outcome level. To explain coordination at the outcome level, other factors need to be considered.

The paper analyses the motivations of actors who reclaimed and appropriated the banks of the Ebrié Lagoon in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire, which were in many cases marginal lands under public ownership. The analysis focuses on the evolution of two unplanned settlements, Soweto (from 1964) and Adjahui (from 2011). Practices of incremental place-making and residential stories connect these places, which are located opposite to one another at the Bay of Koumassi. The research questions are as follows: Why and by who were waterfronts reclaimed and appropriated? And how does reclamation entail social-economic inequalities and the loss of public and communal spaces? Conceptually, lagoonal waterfronts are approached as waterscapes, cultural landscapes with discursive representations. Their evolution is analysed by using the concepts of fixity and flows by Desfor and Laidley (2011). Findings show although tenure was highly insecure in the legal sense, use rights, house ownership and local power relations in Soweto were fixed for decades despite the fact that buildings, residents, local arrangements and the spatial form constantly changed. Though inhabitants increasingly entered the water space and the lagoon, the material condition of the settlement seemed stable because the process took place over many decades before urban renewal set dynamics in motion that speeded up the reclamation process and brought the waterscapes into flow.

To mitigate global heating, this technology is being proposed as an option. The big problem is that it is impossible to assess what risks global application would lead to.

Die Technologie ist im Gespräch, um die Erderwärmung zu bekämpfen. In globalem Maßstab angewandt, sind ihre Risiken allerdings nicht absehbar.

With the establishment of the sustainable development goals (SDGs), countries worldwide agreed to a prosperous, socially inclusive, and environmentally sustainable future for all. This ambition, however, exposes a critical gap in science-based insights, namely on how to achieve the 17 SDGs simultaneously. Quantitative goal-seeking scenario studies could help explore the needed systems' transformations. This requires a clear definition of the "target space." The 169 targets and 232 indicators used for monitoring SDG implementation cannot be used for this; they are too many, too broad, unstructured, and sometimes not formulated quantitatively. Here, we propose a streamlined set of science-based indicators and associated target values that are quantifiable and actionable to make scenario analysis meaningful, relevant, and simple enough to be transparent and communicable. The 36 targets are based on the SDGs, existing multilateral agreements, literature, and expert assessment. They include 2050 as a longer-term reference point. This target space can guide researchers in developing new sustainable development pathways.

With its unique multilateral assets, the United Nations Development System (UNDS) should be playing a key role in assisting governments and other stakeholders with their implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. But this requires change. Despite improvements in recent decades, too often the UNDS has continued to act as a loose assemblage of competing entities, undermining its effective support for Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) implementation. It is against that backdrop that the UNDS has been undergoing an extensive reform – that was decided on in 2018 and has been implemented since 2019 – to provide more coherent, integrated support in line with requirements of the 2030 Agenda to United Nations (UN) programme countries. What effects have the reforms yielded at the country level? This paper presents the main findings, conclusions and recommendations from our research on UNDS reform implementation. It does so with a focus on reform-induced changes towards what we call a strengthened, collective offer at the country level. Overall, our research shows that reform implementation is moving the needle on the quality of the collective offer. In particular, with regard to its institutional element, we observed that the reform has fostered change in how UN country teams work together that is in line with what the 2030 Agenda demands. Institutional changes allow for increased cross-organisational and cross-sectoral coordination, which could potentially lead to increased policy coherence. But while we see substantial progress, it remains incomplete, fragile and subject to structural limitations. A more critical picture emerges with regard to change in the substantive component of the collective offer in the areas of SDG integration, cross-border work and normative approaches. While there were positive examples, we found little evidence of a systematic repositioning in these areas. The adjustment of the UNDS to the 2030 Agenda does not (yet) meet the expectations derived from the UN’s own reform ambition.

Climate change and development are strongly interconnected. An efficient use of financial resources therefore requires alignment between climate finance and development priorities, as set out in the context of both the Paris Agreement and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. In this paper, we investigate to what extent climate-related official development assistance (ODA) before and after the Paris Agreement adoption supports the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Moreover, we assess to what extent donors align this finance with recipient countries’ climate-related priorities as spelled out in their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). First, we find that climate-relevant ODA contributes to multiple SDGs, above all SDG7 (energy) and SDG11 (cities). Second, we find that there is substantial alignment between donors’ and recipients’ SDG priorities, but that this alignment has not improved in recent years, since the conclusion of the Paris Agreement. Third, we find that although climate finance continues to be allocated more to climate-change mitigation than to adaptation, the difference has become smaller in recent years. This has reduced the misalignment with recipient countries’ NDC climate activities, which focus more on adaptation than on mitigation. Overall, we identify coherence, gaps and opportunities for further alignment of climate and development actions and related finance. Such an alignment is essential to increase the likelihood of implementation of the two international agreements and to ensure that action is guided by recipient countries’ needs.

Digitalization is a disruptive megatrend which cannot be stopped but needs to be steered and used. Just how regulators should respond to it is less clear. For instance, Jordanian authorities faced the boom of the ride-hailing platform Careem, now an Uber subsidiary, in Jordan’s capital Amman. They were forced to choose between licensing Careem, and thus allowing flexible yet informal job creation, or protecting the entrenched taxi businesses. Against the backdrop of Jordan’s dire economic situation and rampant unemployment figures, regulators decided for a middle way, licensing ride-hailing platforms, yet limiting their growth and confining them to an upmarket line of business. As this paper demonstrates, this approach created new fractions and insider-outsider dynamics on the labour market.
The paper draws on interviews with Careem and taxi drivers, as well as expert interviews with staff and customers in 2019 to show (i) how Careem drivers’ employment situation allowed for comparatively high income opportunities but exposed them to considerable financial risks also due to obligatory car ownership, and (ii) how regulators’ differentiated approach created fairer competition but also led to labour market segmentation by distorting wage levels and incentives for the highly-skilled, who also experience de-skilling while working outside their professional field. Vulnerabilities and precarious working conditions were further exposed during the Covid-19 lockdowns.

The development and application of advanced manufacturing technologies (known as Industry 4.0) have been enabled by the fast-paced process of digital transformation. These transformations are expected to have major implications on the reorganisation of global value chains as well as on labour markets. For late-industrialising countries, Industry 4.0 brings both opportunities and challenges. On the one hand, it opens opportunities in terms of improving competitiveness, learning and export markets. On the other hand, however, it may devalue the traditional competitive advantage based on low labour costs, creating difficult-to-tackle challenges on labour markets related to unemployment and new demands for reskilling and upskilling. This paper explores these aspects through the lens of one country, Morocco, and two very different sectors: automotive and apparel. Morocco is a lower-middle-income country that has capitalised on its proximity to Europe and succeeded in developing a dynamic export-oriented automotive industry. The garment sector, which is critical for employment, has been generally neglected by the industrial development strategies. However, Industry 4.0 and its implications on global value chains are likely to affect both sectors, although in different ways. Our analysis clearly shows that interventions must be tailored to the different degrees of technological readiness. The automotive sector is driven more by the needs of major original equipment manufacturers. Therefore, industrial policy should focus on setting the framework conditions, enabling upgrading by investing in research and development, and shifting incentives towards facilitating local suppliers to better integrate with higher-tier suppliers. In the garment sector, policy interventions need to be more comprehensive, from developing a long-term vision to building awareness on technological upgrading and new business models enabled by digitalisation and automation. Moreover, there is extensive scope for industrial policy to contribute to building basic technological and knowledge capabilities all along the garment supply chain and to attracting investment.

Am 1. Januar 2022 hat Frankreich die EU-Ratspräsidentschaft übernommen. Unter dem Motto relance, puissance, appartenance (Aufschwung, Stärke, Zugehörigkeitsgefühl) setzt sich die französische Regierung für ein neues Modell des Wirtschaftswachstums und für ein souveräneres, menschlicheres und bürgernahes Europa ein. Frankreich ist bekannt für seine übergreifenden Visionen und das Setzen von Impulsen für den Integrationsprozess, was manchmal auch zu Reibereien mit anderen EU-Mitgliedstaaten führt.

In der auswärtigen Politik plant die französische Ratspräsidentschaft, die Partnerschaft zwischen Afrika und der EU zu stärken. Die erste mögliche Gelegenheit zur Verwirklichung dieses Ziels ist der bevorstehende EU-AU-Gipfel am 17. und 18. Februar. Zudem ist das Zusammentreffen der französischen EU-Ratspräsidentschaft und des deutschen G7-Vorsitzes ein günstiger Zeitpunkt, um die deutsch-französische Zusammenarbeit in Afrika zu stärken. Die Zusammenarbeit zwischen den beiden größten EU-Mitgliedsstaaten ist wichtig, da die bevorstehenden Präsidentschafts- und Parlamentswahlen in Frankreich im April und Juni 2022 es der französischen Regierung erschweren könnten, ihre ehrgeizigen Pläne vollständig umzusetzen.

Frankreich und Deutschland haben in ihrer Außenpolitik oft unterschiedliche Strategien verfolgt, insbesondere in Bezug auf Afrika. Dieses Mal bieten die französischen Prioritäten jedoch mehrere Ansatzpunkte, um die außenpolitische Agenda der Ampelkoalition zu erfüllen und die deutsch-französische Zusammenarbeit in der EU-Entwicklungspolitik voranzutreiben. Die neuen „Team-Europe“-Initiativen geben den EU-Mitgliedstaaten mehr Spielraum für gemeinsames Handeln. Die beiden Partner können vier wichtige Themen vorantreiben: Frieden und Entwicklung im Sahel, die EU-Afrika-Handelsbeziehungen, die externe Dimension des Green Deal und die entwicklungspolitische Digitalisierungsagenda.

Erstens engagieren sich Frankreich und Deutschland im Sahel sowohl militärisch, wie im Rahmen von Operation Barkhane oder durch ihre Beiträge zu UN- und EU-Missionen, als auch durch bi- und multilaterale Entwicklungszusammenarbeit. Während Frankreich sich für eine verstärkte Terrorismusbekämpfung einsetzt, befürwortet Deutschland die Stärkung ziviler Konfliktbearbeitung. Die Verschlechterung der Sicherheitslage in der Region, die Ankündigung der malischen Militärjunta, die Wahlen bis 2025 zu verschieben, zunehmende Spannungen mit Frankreich und anderen internationalen Partnern und die Ankunft russischer Söldner in Mali haben in vielen europäischen Hauptstädten Zweifel aufkommen lassen, ob und wie sie ihr Engagement im Sahel fortsetzen sollen. Frankreich und Deutschland sollten eine gemeinsame Initiative für eine koordinierte Reaktion der EU starten, um ihr Engagement in der Region neu zu definieren.

Zweitens ist die Unterstützung der Afrikanischen Kontinentalen Freihandelszone (AfCFTA) eine gemeinsame Priorität beider Regierungen. Die AfCFTA ist ein ehrgeiziges Integrationsprojekt, das den Handel auf dem afrikanischen Kontinent erleichtert und zu grundlegenden Reformen afrikanischer Volkswirtschaften beiträgt. Die deutsch-französische Zusammenarbeit kann eine Schlüsselrolle bei der Koordinierung der EU-Unterstützung für die AfCFTA spielen und die Kohärenz auf allen Ebenen und bei allen thematischen Prioritäten fördern. Um eine „zukunftsorientierte Allianz mit Afrika“ zu verwirklichen, sollten beide Partner einen Reflexionsprozess über die Konsolidierung des Flickenteppichs von bilateralen und regionalen Handelsabkommen der EU vorantreiben.

Drittens unterstützen Frankreich und Deutschland das Ziel, Europa bis 2050 kohlenstoffneutral zu machen. Allerdings haben sie auch unterschiedliche Ansichten darüber, wie dieses Ziel erreicht werden kann. Dies hat der Streit über den Vorschlag der Europäischen Kommission, Atomkraft und Gas als grüne Investitionen zu bezeichnen, gezeigt. Viele afrikanische Staaten befürchten die Schaffung neuer Abhängigkeiten durch den europäischen Green Deal und das CO2-Grenzausgleichssytem. Daher muss die EU in einen umfassenden Dialog mit ihren afrikanischen Partnern eintreten. Als Vorreiter in der Klimapolitik können Frankreich und Deutschland ihr Know-how und ihre Innovationen bündeln, um eine globale grüne Agenda zu unterstützen. Gleichzeitig sollten sie den strategischen Interessen afrikanischer Staaten und deren eigener Klima-Agenda mehr Aufmerksamkeit schenken.

Viertens möchten beide Partner die digitale Souveränität der EU stärken. Dazu gehört nicht nur die Verbesserung der Regulierung und Innovationsförderung in Europa. Neue globale digitale Partnerschaften sind notwendig; ein Fakt, der durch Deutschlands Engagement für eine „aktive digitale Außenpolitik“ anerkannt wird. Die Stärkung digitaler Partnerschaften mit Afrika kann dazu beitragen, eine europäische Vision einer digitalen Zukunft zu fördern und eine Partnerschaft auf Augenhöhe zu unterstützen.

Deutsch-französische Zusammenarbeit in diesen vier Dossiers kann nicht nur zu einer erfolgreichen französischen Ratspräsidentschaft beitragen, sondern auch zu einer engeren Partnerschaft zwischen Afrika und Europa. „Allez les deux”.

Zu den Top-Prioritäten der Bundesregierung gehört die Gründung eines „Klima-Clubs“. Dieser wäre allerdings unzureichend, wenn er auf einen Grenzausgleich setzt. Essentiell sind vielmehr kooperative Ansätze.

Human mobility is increasingly associated with environmental and climatic factors. One way to explore how mobility and the environment are linked is to review the research on different aspects of the topic. However, so many relevant articles are published that analysis of the literature using conventional techniques is becoming prohibitively arduous. To overcome this constraint, we have applied automated textual analysis. Using unsupervised topic modelling on 3197 peer-reviewed articles on the nexus between mobility and the environment published over the last 30 years, we identify 37 major topics. Based on their language use, the topics were deeply branched into two categories of focus: Impact and Adaptation. The Impact theme is further clustered into sub-themes on vulnerability and residential mobility, while articles within the Adaptation theme are clustered into governance, disaster management and farming. The analysis revealed opportunities for greater collaboration within environmental mobility research, particularly improved integration of adaptation and impact research. The topic analysis also revealed that, in the last 30 years, very little research appears to have been undertaken in migration destinations or on the fate of environmentally influenced migrants during their migration process and after arriving in a new location. There are also research gaps in gender and Indigenous issues within the Impact theme, as well as on adaptive capacity and capacity-building.

The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) present a new and coherent way of thinking about diverse facets of development. Implicit in the framework of the SDGs is that the goals are interconnected and interdependent. To translate such critical ideas into reality, countries need new skills, perspectives and approaches to the implementation of policies and programmes. Capacity-building, in particular for the public sector, is therefore at the core of achieving the 2030 Agenda. Although all countries have designed their respective capacity-building strategies and undertaken various interventions for knowledge dissemination among government officials and other stakeholders on the SDGs, there are wide variations between countries regarding the progress on capacity-building initiatives. In many developing countries, the heterogeneity of the political, societal and economic structures poses one of the biggest challenges to capacity-building for the localisation of the SDGs.
This discussion paper explores and maps the SDG training landscape for government officials in India. As a particularly heterogeneous country in political, economic and cultural terms, India is an interesting example to explore the challenges of capacity-building in many developing countries towards the achievement of the SDGs. Against this background, the study aims to achieve the following:
a) to understand the role of government and private actors in building the capacity of government officials to respond to the 2030 Agenda
b) to understand the resources required for capacity-building on the SDGs
c) to identify the current shortcomings in capacity-building efforts
d) to develop recommendations for a more coordinated and effective strategy that will strengthen the capacity-building initiatives of India
This paper highlights the relevance of the evidence for creating better processes, even in the sphere of sensitisation, capacity-building and advocacy. A major contribution of the paper is to help India develop an evidence-based policy on SDG trainings. This paper will also assist other countries that are currently tackling similar kinds of challenges in the realm of capacity-building for the SDGs in designing a comprehensive capacity-building strategy for effective implementation of the SDGs.

Two expert teams from the U.S. and Germany outline their visions for a digital development agenda with Africa and explore areas and mechanisms for transatlantic and multilateral coordination. Apart from closing the digital infrastructure gap, both author teams call for investments in skills training and capacity building, in local innovation ecosystems and in assistance with building data governance frameworks and institutions. The U.S. author team explores multilateral coordination of financing as well as on standards for transparency, ethics, sustainability, building on standardization efforts by the G7, OECD, World Bank and others. The German author team engages with the EU’s digital development agenda and explores pathways for future Europe-Africa digital cooperation.

Vor drei Jahren haben die Vereinten Nationen (UN) eine Reform ihrer Entwicklungszusammenarbeit begonnen. Sie soll stärker aus einem Guss sein. Tatsächlich führt die Reform die verschiedenen VN-Organisationen, die in einem Land tätig sind, nun besser zusammen auf der Grundlage eines gemeinsamen Programmes. Gleichwohl gibt es noch Defizite in der kohärenten, strategischen Zusammenarbeit der VN-Organisationen für die Lösung struktureller Probleme.

We use data from the 2020/21 Egyptian Industrial Firm Behavior Survey (EIFBS) to assess the effects of the COVID-19 crisis on firm dynamics, behavior and performance. The crisis emanating from the COVID-19 pandemic induced both demand and supply side shocks, which are more far reaching than any crisis in living memory. Our results show that the crisis has hit the entire Egyptian manufacturing sector. But, in line with Schumpeter’s (1934) creative destructive theory, the market shows signs of ‘self-cleansing’, whereby the less efficient are more likely to exit and downsize their activities. Our descriptive results show resilience of larger, public, formal, and export sector firms. Thus, revealing pre-existing fragilities of the private, informal and, more generally the lower productivity firms in the manufacturing sector. The counter cyclicality of the relation implies that contraction of the formal sector expands the informal as the only alternative way to earn a living. As a ‘survival sector’, the informal sector has provided 'helping hand employment'. Pre-crisis good managerial practices, innovation, the adoption of advanced technologies and training workers all provide an opportunity for firms to adapt their business model, as reflected by superior firm dynamics and post-crisis performance. Larger firms and mostly less vulnerable sectors such as fabricated metals and rubber have had more access to government support. It is likely that the government has chosen to support sectors with potentially better chances of survival rather than support the most vulnerable. Firms in pharmaceuticals were also recipients of support, which is sensible in a health crisis.

Anlässlich des 75-jährigen Bestehens der Vereinten Nationen wurde UN-Generalsekretär Guterres damit betraut, konkrete Vorschläge zu entwickeln, wie die politische Erklärung zum Jubiläum der Generalversammlung umgesetzt werden kann. Der daraufhin veröffentlichte Bericht „Our Common Agenda“ ist ein Füllhorn konkreter Vorschläge und Maßnahmen dafür, was Guterres einen inklusiven, effektiven und vernetzten Multilateralismus nennt. Der RNE empfiehlt der neuen Bundesregierung, die im Koalitionsvertrag genannte Stärkung des Multilateralismus mit den Zielen der sozial-ökologischen Transformation auf globaler Ebene zu verknüpfen und sich dafür viele der Vorschläge des UN-Generalsekretärs zu eigen zu machen.

Preferential trade agreements (PTAs) increasingly include environmental provisions. While the existing literature documents their beneficial environmental impacts, this paper sheds light on the political economy behind reinforcing synergies between trade and the environment. Using event-study methodology and data on bilateral Official Development Assistance (ODA) commitments for a sample of 147 developing country recipients in the period from 2002-2017, we find evidence that the number of environmental provisions in PTAs is positively associated with aid during negotiation phases. With high-income countries typically pre-determining the extent of environmental provisions in their upcoming PTAs, this suggests that aid serves as a side-payment for recipients to agree upon already formulated PTA content. While both aggregate ODA and its subcomponent environmental aid a priori qualify as candidates for these pre-signature side-payments, we find that only the former fulfils this expectation, presumably reflecting more leeway to exploit aid fungibility.