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The International Seabed Authority Must Change Course Amid Series of Scandals

Wed, 07/17/2024 - 13:33

Confrontation with a Deep Sea Mining Ship in the at-risk Pacific Region.

Greenpeace International activists from around the world have paddled and protested around MV COCO, a specialized offshore drilling vessel currently collecting data for deep sea mining frontrunner, The Metals Company, on its last expedition before it files the world’s first ever application to mine the seabed in the Pacific Ocean. Credit: Martin Katz / Greenpeace

By Sebastian Losada
A CORUNA, Spain, Jul 17 2024 (IPS)

The International Seabed Authority (ISA) has enormous importance as responsible for the fate of the largest, and most untouched, biome on the Planet. Ahead of elections for its leadership, governments cannot ignore that its current Secretary-General has become the subject of both media investigations and criticism from other parts of the UN.

Michael Lodge faces numerous allegations such as a lack of impartiality, closeness to the mining industry, financial mismanagement, mistreatment of media, and attempts to silence protest. Even if some of these are generally disputed by Mr. Lodge, if he were re-elected, the credibility and independence of the ISA, an important organisation in the UN multilateral system, is seriously compromised.

The ISA, an autonomous organisation established under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, is currently negotiating a set of rules that could allow large-scale extraction of mineral resources in the deep ocean. These negotiations are taking place amidst growing environmental concerns and public opposition to the harm that deep sea mining will cause to marine ecosystems we critically rely on.

Credit: Greenpeace

A long list of media scandals

The upcoming meeting of the ISA Assembly, from 29 July to 2 August, will elect a Secretary-General. Michael Lodge, a British national who will complete his second term this year, is campaigning to be re-elected upon nomination by Kiribati. So far, the only alternative candidate is Brazilian oceanographer Laeticia Carvalho.

On 4 July, a new exposé released by The New York Times contained strong accusations of interference in the campaign process as well as of financial mismanagement. In the article, Kiribati’s Ambassador Teburoro Tito confirms that he offered Ms Carvalho a high level position at the ISA in exchange for dropping out of the race.

Carvalho denounces Lodge for using the ISA machinery for his election campaign. The article quotes allegations by former ISA employees of misuse of the organisation’s funds and plans from the German Government to scrutinise “questionable financial activities at the ISA.”

Media coverage highlighting misconduct at the ISA during the mandates of Michael Lodge includes pieces in NYT, LA Times, The Guardian and Bloomberg. Media attention perhaps reached a peak-high when American talk-show John Oliver’s Last Week Tonight dedicated a special issue to deep sea mining aired on 13 June. The video is approaching 3 million views on the show’s Youtube channel.

Lack of impartiality and closeness to the industry

Many of these media reports relate to Michael Lodge’s alleged closeness to the mining industry. As explained in March 2023 by “diplomats from Germany, Costa Rica and elsewhere” Lodge, supposed to be a neutral facilitator, “has stepped out of line by resisting efforts by some Council members that could slow approval of the first mining proposal.”

On 16 March 2023, Germany’s Minister for Economic Affairs and Climate Action Franziska Brantner, reminded in a letter, that “it is not the task of the Secretariat to interfere in the decision-making of subsidiary organs of the ISA,” expressing disappointment that Lodge had “actively taken a stand against positions and decision making proposals from individual delegations.”

Perhaps the most serious accusation belongs to the NYT’s “Secret Data, Tiny Islands and a Quest for Treasure on the Ocean Floor” which in August 2022 exposed “interviews and hundreds of pages of emails, letters and other internal documents” showing that the ISA “provided data identifying some of the most valuable seabed tracts, and then set aside the prized sites for the [The Metals Company] company’s future use.”

Lodge’s closeness with the industry had been called out earlier. In 2018, he appeared in a promotional video of DeepGreen (now operating as The Metals Company). The video is not public anymore from its original host Vimeo, but can still be found in an LA Times article, which notes that “a big selling point at a time the company was courting investors, was the man shown walking on a massive ship and speaking of the need to mine the ocean floor: the Secretary-General of the ISA.”

According to the article, a bar tab in 2018 for a group of 15 attended by mining executives, which included $95 bottles of wine, came to $1,230, “according to a receipt and expense report filed with the secretariat.”

Sandor Mulsow, a marine geologist who served as the ISA’s head of the Office of Environmental Management and Mineral Resources for more than five years, until 2019, described the work of the ISA as having “a huge bias in favour of new contractors.” “It is like to ask the wolf to take care of the sheep,” he said to LA Times.

At a hearing in the Belgian Parliament in June 2020, Lodge told parliamentarians that a moratorium, now supported by 26 ISA member States, “would be anti-science, anti-knowledge, anti-development and anti-international law.” Not surprisingly, in 2020 a Radio New Zealand programme referred to Lodge as a “cheerleader” for mining interests. In response, he threatened a defamation lawsuit.

An aggressive environment for media and observers

During Lodge’s mandates, the ISA has become an increasingly difficult environment for media and civil society observers. Lodge has vocally criticised those questioning deep-sea mining, promulgated new and restrictive guidelines for observers at ISA meetings and restricted media access.

In a speech in 2018 to businesses in Hamburg, Lodge said he was disturbed by “wildly inaccurate and distorted scenarios portrayed by some sections of the media and interest groups,” saying that concerns on environmental damage resulting from deep sea mining are “grossly exaggerated and lack any basis in fact.”

In June 2021, at an International Law Conference in Singapore, Lodge talked of “a growing environmental absolutism and dogmatism bordering on fanaticism.”

Journalists who travelled all the way to Kingston to cover the ISA negotiations have expressed their dismay about how they were treated. In March 2023, Washington Post journalist Evan Halper, who had written pieces critical of the ISA, was escorted out of the negotiating chamber. Lodge has also not refrained from mocking journalists in the past, as he did in response to an article in The Guardian.

In July 2023, Greenpeace International used a spoof version of the ISA logo on billboards, calling on governments to take action to avoid being seen as the “Irresponsible Seabed Authority”. The ISA contacted the billboard agency to demand that it be withdrawn and issued new restrictive guidelines on the functioning of ISA meetings, restricting demonstrations, protests and distribution of publicity materials.

Specific measures related to the “use of the emblem of the Authority” and warned that its unauthorised use “may constitute grounds for removal of accreditation with the Authority.” The new guidelines triggered a letter signed by seven observer organisations demanding the removal of some particularly repressive provisions.

Reactions of other UN agencies and agreements

Last November 2023, Greenpeace International peacefully protested at sea against a mining company’s exploration expedition. On the high seas of the Central Pacific Ocean, activists kayaked around the vessel, and climbed its crane to demand a halt to the company’s plans to start deep sea mining in one of the world’s last untouched ecosystems.

The Secretary-General of the ISA reacted to the Greenpeace protest enacting emergency measures on the basis that the protest with inflatable kayaks was posing a “threat of serious harm to the marine environment” and ordering Greenpeace to abandon the protest, in an evident over-reach of his functions.

This caught the attention of two UN Special Rapporteurs, who had very strong words against Lodge’s attempt to undermine basic civil rights. Dr. Marcos Orellana, Special Rapporteur on Toxics and Human Rights, said he was “alarmed by the manner in which the Secretary General of the ISA has responded to a peaceful protest.” Orellana considered these actions “question the impartiality expected from the Secretary-General as much as they suggest bias towards industry interests in disregard of the Environmental Protection Mandate of the ISA.”

In a video message to the ISA membership, Michael Forst, Special Rapporteur on Environmental Defenders under the Aarhus Convention, criticised “the outrageous immediate measures issued by the ISA Secretary General seeking to prevent Greenpeace activists from protesting”, which he considered “yet again another example of the ongoing crackdown on environmental defenders and their freedoms of expression, protest, and assembly.”

As other multilateral institutions have addressed the potential impacts of deep-sea mining on their respective mandates, interventions by the ISA Secretary-General have raised concerns. In February 2024, when the Convention on Migratory Species (CMS) had on its agenda a proposal for a resolution on deep sea mining, Lodge sent a letter to its Executive Secretary dismissing the work of the CMS Secretariat.

Lodge requested a review of a CMS document by “several internationally renowned experts”, which found that “the CMS document cannot be considered a credible basis for decision-making.” One of the main co-authors of such review is Samantha Smith who has worked for both The Metals Company predecessor DeepGreen and Belgium mining company, GSR. “We get letters like this all the time,” a member of the CMS Secretariat confided, “but from industrial lobbyists—not the Executive Secretary of a UN body.”

The ISA needs to change course

Under Michael Lodge’s mandate, the ISA has set a pace of negotiations of the mining code that is completely at odds with the uncertainty and lack of sufficient knowledge about the biology and ecology of deep-sea ecosystems.

While scientists are urging for more time, the ISA and a few of its member States are rushing towards commercial exploitation of deep-sea minerals. This pace is also deeply unequitable as most countries lack the financial and human resources required to prepare and contribute to three Council meetings of highly technical negotiations every year.

The ISA has had so far three Secretary-Generals. All male but from three different geographies (the Pacific, Africa and Europe). The ISA has also put a lot of emphasis on gender equality and Michael Lodge presents himself as an “International Gender Champion” at the ISA website. Re-electing Michael Lodge for a third term would not respect well established practices of geographical alternance and representation.

Further, Lodge’s mandates have been tainted with scandals and opacity. As civil society observers we demand an environment of trust, transparency and respect for the different views. This has been lacking.

It is of paramount importance that a new Secretary-General be elected that restores the credibility of the ISA and puts conservation of the deep sea at the heart of the mandate of the Authority. A re-election of the current Secretary-General would risk further eroding trust in this multilateral institution and contributing to a loss of public faith in international regulators more generally.

Sebastian Losada is Senior Oceans Policy Adviser, Greenpeace International.

IPS UN Bureau

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Categories: Africa

Kanak Ambition for Independence Is Defiant Following Political Turmoil in New Caledonia

Wed, 07/17/2024 - 08:46

Kanak Pro-Independence supporters display the Kanak flag during a rally in the streets of Noumea prior to New Caledonia's first referendum on Independence in 2018. Credit: Catherine Wilson/IPS

By Catherine Wilson
NOUMEA, New Caledonia , Jul 17 2024 (IPS)

It’s been 26 years since a peace agreement, the Noumea Accord, was signed following an outbreak of conflict in the 1980s between Kanak islanders and French armed forces in the French overseas territory of New Caledonia.

But the eruption of turbulent protests and unrest again two months ago has shown that the cleavage of indigenous political grievances with the French state remains deep in this group of islands located east of Australia in the southwest Pacific.

The centre of New Caledonia’s capital, Noumea, a popular holiday destination in the Pacific Islands, is usually abuzz with tourists patronizing sidewalk cafes. But many of the streets, now patrolled by French police, are deserted and eerily quiet.

The protests, which began in mid-May, escalated to armed clashes between activists and French security forces, resulting in ten deaths. And the destruction of homes, public buildings and looting of shops and businesses has had a devastating impact on the small island society. The cost of the damage is estimated to be more than USD 1 billion; at least 7,000 people have lost jobs and incomes, and the territory’s economy has suffered a major downturn.

Barricades were erected in the streets of Noumea when confrontations escalated between Pro-Independence activists and French police in May following the French Parliament’s adoption of electoral reforms in New Caledonia. Credit: Catherine Wilson/IPS

The unrest has revealed the gaping fracture between France’s determination to retain control of the territory and the indigenous Kanak islanders, who are riled at lack of progress toward their call for self-determination.

“We protested in the streets. We wanted to say to the French state, you must respect the Kanaks because France voted for the reforms without consent from us,” Jacques (his name has been changed), a Kanak activist in Noumea, told IPS.

He was speaking of the adoption of electoral changes in New Caledonia by the French Parliament, which would have opened the electoral roll to tens of thousands of recent migrant settlers, the majority from Europe.

About 41 percent of New Caledonia’s population is indigenous and many believe it would have led to the declining influence of their vote against rising numbers of Loyalists in future elections and referendums. The changing demographic balance between Kanaks and non-Kanaks is a longstanding grievance.

The uprising in the 1980s was driven by grievances about land dispossession, poverty, inequality, the absence of civil and political rights, and France’s policy of promoting migration from France to New Caledonia.

While French President Emmanuel Macron suspended the electoral reforms in mid-June, many Pro-Independence supporters are unappeased.

Jacques is among a group of Kanak activists who have set up a campaign site next to a main road on the outskirts of the capital. They are sitting around a table under a marquee, surrounded by flags and banners.

“We want our country to be decolonized, as it is written in the Noumea agreement. The French state is only interested in dominating the population here. If the French state stays here, we will have more violence,” Jacques claims.

The French government agreed in the 1998 Noumea Accord to grant New Caledonia more governing powers, recognition of Kanak culture and right to consultation, restrictions on the local electoral roll allowing only Kanaks and long-term residents to vote and the holding of referendums on its future political status.

But by 2021, three referendums had been held, all with majority outcomes, to remain part of France. There was a 43.33 percent vote for Independence in the first referendum in 2018, which increased to 46.74 percent in the second in 2020. But Kanaks, severely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, boycotted the third referendum in 2021. The overwhelming Loyalist vote of 96.5 percent has never been accepted by Pro-Independence political parties, such as the Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS).

“We firmly support the call by FLNKS for the UN to declare the result of the third referendum null and void due to the non-participation of the people of Kanaky. Voter turnout was below 50 percent of registered voters; hence, it cannot be taken as the legitimate wish of the silent majority,” the sub-regional inter-governmental organization, the Melanesian Spearhead Group, stated in 2021.

Kanak separatists’ determination to keep their aspirations alive, even though options for changing the political status quo through referendums have been exhausted, has led to an increasingly polarized political landscape. Some entrenched Loyalists believe that the French state should “take over the New Caledonian government because of all the political problems that we have,” Catherine Ris, President of the University of New Caledonia in Noumea, told IPS. And, “on the Pro-Independence side, we do not hear the moderate people anymore.”

The recent mobilization of the Field Action Coordinating Cell (CCAT) by the Pro-Independence Caledonian Union party was a sign of some Kanaks’ belief that their demands are not being met through the political process. The core group of activists were a major force behind the recent protests and the Cell’s leader, Christian Tein, is currently being held in a jail in France on charges related to the unrest. Similarly, the major presence of youths on the streets in May is evidence that a new generation has lost faith in the pace of social and political change.

“The younger people want the change now because in their lives they have experienced and seen a lot of hardship—the persecution of the Kanak people, the difficulties of getting a job,” Jacques emphasized. An estimated 45 percent of people in New Caledonia who don’t have a high school certificate are indigenous, and the Kanak unemployment rate is reported to be as high as 38 percent.

Yet the representation of Kanaks in the territory’s government and politics has steadily increased over the past two decades. The number of seats held by Pro-Independence politicians in New Caledonia’s 54 seat Congress rose from 18 to 25 between 2004 and 2014, while Loyalists witnessed a decrease from 36 to 29 seats, reports Australia’s Lowy Institute for International Policy.

In 2021, Louis Mapou, the first Kanak Pro-Independence President of the government, was elected. And, following the French national election this month, Emmanuel Tjibaou, a Kanak leader from the rural North Province, was voted in as one of New Caledonia’s two members of the National Assembly in Paris.

In the wider region, New Caledonia’s self-determination movement has the international support of other Pacific Island countries, especially those that have indigenous Melanesian populations, such as Papua New Guinea and Fiji, as well as Azerbaijan and Russia. And the French overseas territory has been on the United Nations’ Decolonization List since 1986.

Yet there are New Caledonians who are concerned about the viability of a New Caledonian state. The territory relies heavily on France’s fiscal support, which amounts to 20 percent of the local gross domestic product (GDP) and pays for public services, local economic development programs and civil service salaries.

“We have a good economy here,” Marcieux, a Frenchman who has lived in New Caledonia for 30 years, told IPS in Noumea. “It is easy to speak of independence, but, in reality, it is very difficult. You need a way to make independence.”

But, until the yawning political divisions laid bare by the events of May are addressed, it will be difficult for New Caledonia’s leaders to present a united will to President Macron and the French Parliament located more than 16,000 kilometres away.

However, Tjibaou, the new member of the French National Assembly, is the focus of hope that meaningful dialogue can emerge from the recent conflict. He told local media soon after his election this month that “we all have to offer a framework for discussions to resume between the three partners, which are France, the FLNKS and the Loyalists… we have to capitalize on this.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Are Sustainable Cities a Pipe Dream?

Wed, 07/17/2024 - 06:43

Credit: Oritro Karim

By Oritro Karim
NEW YORK, Jul 17 2024 (IPS)

Cities, once thought to be modern utopias that foster innovation, inclusivity, and commerce, actually ended up being hubs for environmental degradation. Although the concept of urban living is inextricable from humanity, there are proposed ways to make them less environmentally taxing. One such solution is the idea of a sustainable city, otherwise known as a metropolis that effectively consumes fossil fuels and disposes of emissions with regards to the longevity of the planet as well as the economic wellbeing of its citizens. Cities can also be considered sustainable so long as they curb the consequences of consumption through means such as recycling or using healthier energy sources. Although this sounds like a simple path forward in Earth’s journey of decarbonizing, we must take a plethora of issues into consideration, such as transportation, housing, manufacturing, trade, and comfort.

An example of a sustainable city is Bristol, England. The BBC article, “Lower Carbon Emissions Recorded in City in 2022” states that greenhouse gas emissions dropped by 7.5 percent between 2021 and 2022, in part due to higher bills prompting people to use less energy. Steps like this can be seen in a multitude of other urban settings as citizens are encouraged to prioritize financial stability over consuming in excess. Additionally, commerce related emissions are reported to have dropped the most. Furthermore, Bristol has introduced “Clean Air Zones”, which are designated areas where high emissions result in fines, for vehicles in an effort to reduce their emissions from transportation. Much of the vehicles in these zones, which are hybrids and electric powered, obey these restrictions. Although Bristol has had trouble lowering emissions from vehicles, it is taking the proper steps to curb their carbon footprint altogether. This is what truly makes this city “sustainable” as it puts guidelines in place for citizens to consume fossil fuels responsibly and ethically.

Zurich, Switzerland is another sustainable city that uses different methods to ensure lower carbon emissions. According to the article “Top Five Most Sustainable Cities in the World”, Zurich is known as a “biker’s haven”. The city offers universal access to bikes, free of charge and widespread. In addition, Zurich has constructed a great number of cycling roads as well as car-free roads. This goes an exceedingly long way in lowering transportation related emissions as cars are less often used. Additionally, the fact that these bikes are free to use is something that other metropolises can learn from. For example, New York City has also implemented public bikes that cost around 19 dollars a day which greatly discourages their widespread use. Zurich pales in size to New York so one can only imagine how beneficial it would be if bigger metropolises adapted these healthier habits. Furthermore, the same article states that Zurich produces 80 percent of its electricity with renewable sources and recycles over 40 percent of its waste. Zurich is truly a sustainable city as it does its part in encouraging citizens to partake in less energy consuming behaviors and responsibly remunerates for what they do consume.

Efforts towards sustainability can be seen prominently in Asian countries as well. One example is Singapore, which has built a reputation over the years for its use of “green spaces”. Green spaces are designated areas that are dedicated to preserving nature for recreational use in parks, fields, and other urban environments. According to the article, “Asia’s Eco-Warriors:12 Cities Making Strides In Sustainability”, other nations such as South Korea, Taiwan, Malaysia, China, and Vietnam have also turned their attention towards green space preservation. The progress of these nations greatly contrasts with that of North America. The United States, specifically, is losing much of its green spaces due to rampant industrialization. Ecosystems are being disrupted and cities often tend to choose using land for housing rather than green spaces. The article “America’s open spaces are vanishing; NY has lost 344 square miles since 2002” states that America’s course of development has contributed to over 68,000 square miles of forests have been lost. In addition, each state has seen a significant loss of rural space this century. It is clear to see that for North American locations, sustainability falls below commerce and housing in priority. Although Singapore, South Korea, and China have powerful booming economies as well, they seem to be able to balance it successfully with sustainability.

This brings up the question of if sustainability is realistic for all corners of the world. Smaller or less densely populated locations have a greater ability to employ healthier consumption habits as they are simpler in nature. Compare New York City to Wellington, England, for example. Wellington has a population of around 213 thousand while New York City’s population exceeds 8 million. Therefore, Wellington will have a much easier time in adopting healthier habits such as recycling and tracking. Bigger cities have bigger economies and larger demand for transportation, energy, and housing. Although it seems impossible, large metropolises like New York City have the ability to become sustainable, or at least more sustainable than they were before. However, we must take these differences into consideration in order to make an effective plan. “New York’s Gradual Transition to a Sustainable City” states, “our local regulatory structure is pushing large building owners to decarbonize their energy use and make it more efficient. Our electric utilities are struggling but slowly replacing fossil fuels with renewable energy. Some of our early attempts at siting wind power in the ocean are proving less cost-effective than we hoped, but new technologies are being developed every day”. This indicates that bigger cities are having trouble implementing sustainable practices as there is a booming economy that must also be considered. However, there are steps in place that allow bigger cities to significantly reduce their carbon footprint. New York will never not be a commercial powerhouse and significant emission contributor as that is simply the way the city is wired. Attempts such as employing alternate fuel sources will greatly impact the carbon emissions but that practice becoming widespread will occur decades from now, but it’s important that we take the initial steps now. Sustainability is possible for the world, it’s just going to take some time and effort.

Sources Used:
1. https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cjjwv891nn0o
2. https://earth.org/most-sustainable-cities/
3. https://news.climate.columbia.edu/2024/02/12/new-york-citys-gradual-transition-to-a-sustainable-city/
4. https://earth5r.org/asias-eco-warriors-the-top-10-cities-making-strides-in-sustainability/
5. https://www.bxtimes.com/americas-open-spaces-vanishing/

Oritro Karim is a recent graduate from Rochester Institute of Technology and a working illustrator, graphic designer, painter, and writer.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

How Access to US Market Changed Fortunes of two South African Sisters

Tue, 07/16/2024 - 12:55

Michelle Mokone (Left) & Morongwe Mokone (right). Credit: UN magazine

Two entrepreneurs take traditional African designs and sustainable materials and turn them into international success.

By Mkhululi Chimoio
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 16 2024 (IPS)

What started as a pastime desire to sell crafts at local markets, deeply rooted in the South African culture, has since blossomed to become an international business entity for two local women.

It took the Mokone sisters, Morongwe “Mo” (37) and Michelle (34), three years only to turn around their home decor business into an international business venture by leveraging on the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA).

AGOA allows entrepreneurs from Africa duty-free access to the US market. Approved by the US Congress in May 2000, the legislation sought to help improve the economies of these sub-Saharan African countries, as well as to improve economic relations between the US and participating countries on the African continent.

Africa Renewal* caught up with the two Mokone sisters who are beneficiaries of AGOA to hear how the initiative has changed their lives.

Morongwe and Michelle were raised in Mabopane, Pretoria. In 2016, they started their business ‘Mo’s Crib’ that produces hand-woven baskets, place mats, trays, and other homeware accessories, and selling them in at a local market. In 2019, they decided to pursue the business full-time.

Since then, their business has grown and currently has 12 full-time and 86 part-time employees.

Mo’s Crib uses African traditional designs and sustainable materials to make high-end decorative and homeware pieces inspired by nature. Their arty designs simple, yet modern and sophisticated, with many of their products having multiple purposes that prioritize functionality.

Mo’s Crib uses African traditional designs and sustainable materials to make high-end decorative and homeware pieces inspired by nature.

Green products

Most importantly, the business values sustainability – emphasizing on reusing, recycling and reducing waste, as well as using local talent and material to create employment opportunities. From their locally-sourced impala palm leaves to the material of their shipping boxes – the Mokone sisters promote sustainability and a greener society.

“Our business is deeply linked to our upbringing in South Africa, we draw inspiration from the African culture, nature, and our commitment to the local community,” Michelle told Africa Renewal.

Michelle, who is Mo’s Crib director of operations and supply chain added: “We transitioned our craft into entrepreneurship when we noticed the increased demand of our products at local markets. It was the passion for art and the desire to make a positive impact that propelled us to where we are today. We also saw an opportunity in retail as we wanted our products to be accessible, so we decided to partner with retailers to increase sales volumes and sell in bulk.”

The two sisters quit their jobs: Morongwe was an executive HR specialist while Michelle worked as an agricultural economist, to follow their dream and both credit their father, who was an entrepreneur himself, for the inspiration.

“Our father was an entrepreneur himself. Our drive to build a business of this kind with a sustainable imprint stem from our commitment to creating sustainable and ethical products. We are motivated by the opportunity to provide economic and educational opportunities to our employees whom we refer to as our team members, while at the same time promoting environmentally conscious practices. Our dedication to sustainability and empowering local communities has been the driving force behind our business,” said Michelle.

She explained how they finally made a breakthrough into the international market.

“In 2019, Mo’s Crib made its debut in international markets in France and the USA. It was an opportunity for Africa to showcase its products, promoting sustainable practices and potentially opening new revenue streams for the continent. Our breakthrough demonstrates that Africa can contribute to the global market while preserving its cultural heritage and promoting environmentally friendly products,” said Michelle.

She added: “We are still doing well in the local markets, but we always wanted that international breakthrough. AGOA provided us that platform. As it is, we are no longer just selling to local markets in Pretoria, Johannesburg or in South Africa alone; we are literally reaching the US and international platforms.”

Highlighting that through local businesses like Mo’s Cribs, age-old African crafts are given new life, and in doing so, preserve their heritage, Michelle, however, is urging businesswomen to carefully identify products that resonate with the international market.

“To benefit from AGOA, one must identify products that are in demand in the US and establish sustainable distribution channels. They must also partner with knowledgeable forwarding agents to maximize AGOA benefits,” she said.

“Since 2021, we have shipped a total of eight containers to the US. We are on track to ship two more containers soon. We also regularly ship a container to fulfill our orders for our online store, which is fulfilled through our warehouse in New Jersey, US.

“Although shipping is relatively expensive, especially for a small business that is 100% self-funded, we have benefited from the AGOA through significant market access. Currently, US orders constitute 60% of our overall revenue,” she added.

Mos Crib Products

AGOA renewal

According to South Africa’s minister of Trade, Industry and Competition, Ebrahim Patel, the US recently reached a preliminary 10-year agreement with African countries to extend their preferential trade access by another decade, pending approval by Congress.

“We reached a broad agreement on the need to extend AGOA for another 10 years,” Mr. Patel told a business forum in Johannesburg recently, adding that they were able to engage with policymakers from more than 30 sub-Saharan African countries and the US to enable African countries to continue exporting goods to the American market duty-free.

South Africa hosted the 20th AGOA Forum in Johannesburg from in November 2023 where Mr. Patel said South Africa was seeking to renew its AGOA membership which he said has been instrumental in improving the livelihoods of many entrepreneurs in the country.

The forum brought together over 5,000 participants comprising African ministers of trade, senior government officials, the US government delegation led by US Trade Representative (USTR) Ambassador Katherine Tai, US Congressional staffers, the private sector, the civil society, exhibitors in the ‘Made in Africa’ exhibition, procurers and investors.

“AGOA has helped South Africa and other sub-Saharan countries progressively. It has played a pivotal role in job creation in South Africa and the entire region,” he added.

At the same time, South Africa’s ministry of Small Business Development spokesperson, Cornelius Monama, said AGOA presents a great opportunity to promote emerging entrepreneurs and Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SMMEs).

Trade under AGOA accounted for approximately 21% of South Africa’s total exports to the US in 2022. South African exports to the US under AGOA increased in value from US$2.0 billion in 2021 to US$3.0 billion in 2022,” he said.

Meanwhile, for Morongwe and Michelle, they are working on creating more opportunities and make a meaningful impact in their society. In addition to safeguarding the natural environment, the Mokone sisters are also committed to empowering the people in their community.

“We would like to grow our footprint beyond the USA. We want to enter new markets such as Europe and the United Arab Emirates. We plan to create 20 new jobs within the next two to three years,” concludes Michelle.

Source: Africa Renewal* which is published by the UN’s Department of Global Communications (DGC).

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

How Climate-Smart Strategies Revitalized Tanzania’s Livestock Sector

Tue, 07/16/2024 - 09:28

A pastoralist gazes into the horizon while taking a break from grazing cattle in Ikolongo Village. Credit: Kizito Makoye/IPS

By Kizito Makoye
IRINGA, Tanzania , Jul 16 2024 (IPS)

As the sun sets, its golden hues piece through the dusty haze, creating a dazzling display when a herd of livestock lazily roams on the arid landscape as they return home from grazing.

Dressed in shiny red robes, the youthful Maasai pastoralists routinely whistle as they steer cattle, goats and sheep to maintain a unified path.

The quest for survival has forced these herders in Oldonyo Sambu, Tanzania’s northern Maasai Steppe, jostling for dwindling water and pastures as they try to sustain their herds.

Surprisingly, 670 kilometres (416 miles) away in Ikolongo village, south of Tanzania, the plight of water consumers has improved, thanks to a community-led initiative that brought farmers and pastoralists together to resolve their water woes.

Sitting under a baobab tree, 47-year-old Leinot Leboo watches his cattle drink from a pond. This tranquil moment contrasts sharply with the situation in Oldonyo Sambu, where farmers often clash with herders as they jostle for water.

“I don’t recall any fight between pastoralists and farmers here.We get enough pastures and water for our livestock,” says Leboo.

Unlike in Oldonyo Sambu, local villagers here have created specific grazing lands and water points for livestock to prevent clashes with farmers. “We often bring our cattle here and let them graze and drink without causing any disturbances,” says Leboo.

According to Ignas Mashaka, Ikolongo village chairman, the residents have created a system where pastoralists pay a small fee to feed their herds on rice husks produced by farmers, especially in the dry season.

“This arrangement provides a steady source of feed, but it also give farmers extra income,” says Mashaka

Cows drink from a pond used exclusively by pastoralists in Ikolongo village, Tanzania. Credit: Kizito Makoye/IPS

Strict Rules

After months of negotiation between local residents and local district authorities, the villagers enacted strict by-laws, which have now been adopted and ratified by 12 surrounding villages.

“These rules have helped to ease tensions over water use,” says Mashaka.

Under the initiative, local residents joined forces to construct dams and reservoirs which have reduced water scarcity, providing a reliable supply for farmers and pastoralists.

“We used to fight over every drop of water,” says Musa Chacha, a farmer at Ikolongo village. “But now, there’s enough for everyone and there’s no reason to fight,”

By working together and managing resources sustainably, Ikolongo villagers have built a strong and resilient community.

Female farmers in Ikolongo village learn horticulture to grow vegetables as part of their strategy to cope with drought. Credit: Kizito Makoye/IPS

The Bigger Picture

Despite having vast grazing lands, the east African country faces frequent conflicts over water and other resources due to climate change and weak land governance. Prolonged droughts often lead to clashes between farmers and pastoralists as they jostle for water and grazing space.

Tanzania’s livestock sector, a vital source of livelihood for millions, holds potential for growth in production and trade. With a cattle population of 36.6 million, the country ranks second in Africa, after Ethiopia. This accounts for 1.4% of the global cattle population and 11% of Africa’s. Beyond cattle, Tanzania also boasts large numbers of sheep, goats, chickens, and pigs, placing it among the continent’s top ten in overall livestock numbers.

However, the sector is plagued by many challenges due to climate risks and low investment, World Bank analysts say.

Transformative Initiative

As part of its broader efforts to improve the livestock sector, Tanzania has launched a new USD 546 million initiative to bolster productivity, increase resilience to climate change and improve the livestock industry. The initiative entails innovative strategies to curb extreme weather by constructing water reservoirs, introducing drought-resistant forage crops, and improving livestock breeds.

Challenges and Solutions

According to a recent World Bank report, “Harnessing the Opportunity for a Climate-Smart and Competitive Livestock Sector in Tanzania,” the pasture-based livestock sector in Tanzania faces serious challenges due to climate change and endemic livestock diseases, impacting animal health, productivity, and market access.

A herd of cattle grazes in a designated pastoralist area in Ikolongo village. Credit: Kizito Makoye/IPS

Pastoralist’s Perspective

Saidi Juma, a 55-year-old pastoralist from Kilolo village, has witnessed changes in weather patterns over the years. “When I was young, the rains were predictable, and the grass was plenty,” he says. “But in recent years, we have struggled to find pasture for our animals, and the rivers dry up too soon.”

One aspect of the scheme is adopting climate-smart innovations, such as better animal husbandry practices, drought-resistant fodder, and efficient water management systems.

The introduction of drought-resilient Brachiaria grass at Ikolongo village has maintained better livestock health during dry spells. “We planted these grass because they are resilient to drought and provide enough food for our livestock,” says Mashaka.

According to him, drought-resistant forage crops has ensured a steady supply of nutritious feed for livestock in dry seasons.

Expert Insights

In an interview with IPS, Malongo Mlozi, Professor of Agricultural studies and extension at Sokoine University of Agriculture, hailed the government initiative to revamp the ailing livestock sector by improving water management techniques.

“Water is life; by ensuring a reliable water supply, we can significantly improve the resilience of our livestock farmers against climate change,” he says

According to Mlozi, pastoralists must be trained to acquire the necessary skills and knowledge to cope with the vagaries of the weather.

“When pastoralists understand the benefits of climate-smart practices, they are more likely to adopt them and see positive results,”

Mlozi says the government scheme is likely to improve food security.

“By increasing the productivity of our livestock sector, we can ensure a stable supply of meat, milk, and other livestock products,” says Mlozi

Leinot Leboo grazes his cattle in a bushy enclave in Ikolongo village. Credit: Kizito Makoye/IPS

“This will help in addressing the nutritional needs of our population and reduce dependency on imports.”

Under the initiative, the government will construct water harvesting structures and introduce solar-powered boreholes to provide an eco-friendly solution.

“Access to water has always been a problem for farmers and pastoralists.The solar-powered boreholes will provide enough water.”

The scheme is also aiming to improve market access for livestock products by improving value chains so pastoralists can fetch better prices in livestock markets closer to their communities.

Tanzania’s livestock sector is changing with climate-smart practices and community-led efforts, setting an example for other regions. By focusing on sustainability and innovation, Tanzania is improving the lives of pastoralists and promoting peace and cooperation.

“We have come a long way from those tough times. Now, we look forward to a future where our children can grow up without the fear of conflict and scarcity.”

This feature is published with the support of Open Society Foundations.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Excerpt:

In a quest for survival, farmers and pastoralists living in Oldonyo Sambu, Tanzania’s northern Maasai Steppe, used to fight over every drop of water. However, 12 villages have now adopted climate-smart bylaws after months of negotiations, putting an end to hostilities.

Categories: Africa

Decongesting Nigeria’s Prisons: All-Female Lawyers Take the Lead

Tue, 07/16/2024 - 09:24

A group of women lawyers under the Headfort Foundation, a nonprofit organization, is committed to decongesting Nigerian prisons.

By Mohammed Taoheed
LAGOS, Jul 16 2024 (IPS)

Nyeche Uche, aged 60, got arrested by Nigeria’s cybercrime fighter, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, for stealing. He spent 13 years and eight months in prison while awaiting trial. It took a church who went for prison outreach to refer his case to a legal firm for a pro-bono service over his case in March 2022.

Arraigned before a court in October 2023 after initial claims that his case file had been lost, it was argued by his lawyer that the septuagenarian be released even if found “guilty” of the crime because he had already spent the jail-term set by the law.

Some days after this, Uche finally regained his freedom. The legal firm that came through for him is the Headfort Foundation, which is a nonprofit organization committed to decongesting Nigerian prisons.

“During the process of my stay in the prisons, my case file has been lost and it’s even this organization that drugged it out qadd ensured that it’s even given to the judge so that my case could be concluded,” Nyeche told IPS.

In Nigeria, criminal cases are tried in magistrates and the high courts. Similar to the UK, magistrates deal with minor offenses while serious offenses are referred to the high courts. Unfortunately, it can take several years to get a referral, leaving the suspects remanded in prison longer than the sentence would be for the crime of which they are accused — if tried before the courts.

More than 79 percent of persons in prisons are awaiting trial in Nigeria with the majority of them not convicted for years. This is despite a justice delivery law such as the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) which stipulates the determination of cases within a reasonable timeframe to ensure speedy trial and prevent decongesting of the prison facilities.

Against this backdrop, the Headfort Foundation, aims to provide access to justice, reforms advocacy and human rights issues in Nigeria. Established in 2019, the organization has secured the release of 200 illegally detained persons and has offered pro bono [free legal] services in over 1000 cases.

“Almost indigent victims of human rights abuses find themselves ensnared in the justice system, unable to access human rights lawyers or defenders due to their socioeconomic status. Their right to justice is often denied,” said Adenekan Oluwakemi, the Head of Programs at Headfort Foundation.

An Initiative to the Rescue

In response to this disparity, it inaugurated the “Lawyers without Borders” project in September 2020 following the onset of the Covid-19 lockdown after securing state approval. The initiative uses mobile offices within court premises to facilitate easy access to its team of lawyers to represent victims of human rights abuse and their families in legal challenges.

“Prior to the pandemic, we had easy and free access to the prison to take on the cases of indigent inmates but due to the pandemic, we faced restrictions on entering prisons to take on the cases of indigent inmates, which were imposed as a precautionary measure to prevent the spread of the virus. This limitation hindered our ability to provide legal assistance to those in need within the prison system,” explained Oluyemi Orija, the founder of the organization.

Meanwhile, at the height of the pandemic, Nigeria’s cops — known for a history of systematic irregularities — reportedly accelerated its crackdown on citizens’ rights. The body unlawfully arrested and detained tens of thousands of locals for a number of acclaimed offenses which led to EndSars protest in October 2020, an anti-police brutality movement that gained global momentum in the year.

“The Nigeria Police Force plays a crucial role as a key stakeholder in the judicial system, significantly contributing to the administration of justice. Their indispensable role cannot be overlooked. However, at Headfort Foundation, there is an ongoing policy advocacy endeavors to promote the implementation of non-custodial measures, such as mediation, for minor offenses. We are optimistic that these efforts will soon come to fruition,” Oluwakemi told IPS.

Oluyemi said what keeps her team going is that they believe each liberated individual represents a triumph over injustice. “Their smiles, their gratitude, and their renewed sense of hope propel us forward in our quest for a more equitable and just society — a beacon of hope for others who may still be awaiting their own opportunity for freedom.”

A heap of bottlenecks

Oluyemi expressed that the organization’s efforts to decongest the correctional facilities are frequently thwarted by the multiple obstacles within the justice system.

“One of the primary challenges we encounter is financial limitations, our services are provided free of charge to indigent individuals, operating costs, including legal fees, administrative expenses, and outreach efforts, can quickly accumulate, putting a strain on our resources,” she said.

To address this challenge, the foundation implemented various fundraising initiatives such as crowdfunding, including seeking grants from other organizations, partnering with corporate sponsors, and organizing fundraising events. Additionally, they rely on the generosity of individual donors who support their cause.

Coupled with its efforts, the founder stressed strongly that constant advocacy and engagement with concerned stakeholders within the judicial sector would address the systemic and long-standing issues that face the country’s prisons system.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

The UK’s Chance for Change

Mon, 07/15/2024 - 20:19

Credit: Mike Kemp/In Pictures via Getty Images

By Andrew Firmin
LONDON, Jul 15 2024 (IPS)

The political tide has turned in the UK – and civil society will be hoping for an end to government hostility.

The 4 July general election ended 14 years of rule by the right-wing Conservative party. The centre-left Labour party has returned to power, winning 411 out of 650 parliamentary seats.

Behind the headlines, however, there’s little reason to think the UK’s spell of political volatility is over, and the impacts of the deeply polarising 2016 Brexit referendum continue to ripple through politics.

Keir Starmer has become prime minister as a result of the UK’s most disproportionate election ever. The country’s archaic electoral system means his party won around 63 per cent of seats on just 34 per cent of the vote, up only around 1.5 per cent on its 2019 share and less than when it came second in 2017.

There was little perceptible public enthusiasm on display for Starmer and his promises of cautious reforms. But with high prices, failing public services and a housing crisis, many people wanted whatever change was available. Overwhelmingly the public mood was that the Conservative government was self-serving and out-of-touch and had to go.

Labour was far from the only beneficiary of haemorrhaging Conservative support. Smaller parties and independents took their biggest share of the vote in a century. The right-wing populist Reform UK party came third with 14.3 per cent of the vote, doing best in areas that had most strongly backed leaving the European Union, although the workings of the electoral system meant it won just five seats.

Labour’s resulting parliamentary majority is broad but shallow: it won many seats by small margins. Reform, having come second in 98 seats, can be expected to try to exploit the disarray in the Conservative Party, make as much noise as it can in parliament and hope for a breakthrough next time. Conservative politicians may well decide the lesson is to tack further right, and an alliance or merger between the two right-wing forces can’t be ruled out.

Discontent and disengagement were also indicated by a turnout of only 59.9 per cent, one of the lowest ever. There may be a several reasons: a sense Labour’s win was a foregone conclusion, and voter ID measures introduced by the last government that may have stopped 400,000 people voting. But it’s hard to escape the conclusion that at least some who stayed at home felt there was no point choosing between the parties on offer.

Time to reclaim rights

To address disaffection and stave off the threat of right-wing populism, Labour will need to show it can make a difference in addressing the UK’s economic and social malaise. One way it can signal a change and build positive partnerships to tackle problems is by respecting civic space and working with civil society. There’s plenty of room for improvement here.

Under the last government, hostility towards civil society grew and civic freedoms suffered. Last year, the UK’s civic space rating was downgraded to ‘obstructed’ by the CIVICUS Monitor, our collaborative research project that tracks the health of civic space around the world. The main reason was new laws that significantly increased restrictions on protests and expanded police powers to break them up and arrest protesters. Climate activists have been the main target.

As the outgoing government backtracked on its net-zero pledges and committed to more oil and gas extraction, campaigners increasingly embraced non-violent direct action. The government’s response was to vilify climate protesters, backed by laws that criminalise protests deemed to be noisy or disruptive. Mass arrests of protesters have become commonplace, and it’s no longer rare for people to receive jail sentences for protest-related offences. Recently, protesters against the monarchy and those demanding stronger action on Israel have faced similar treatment.

Meanwhile the outgoing government relentlessly fuelled public hostility towards migrants, particularly those crossing the English Channel in the absence of legal routes. Its ‘hostile environment’ policy led to the Windrush Scandal – in which people who’d lived legally in the UK for decades were detained and deported for want of documentation they’d never needed. More recently the government introduced its Rwanda policy, threatening to permanently remove people to the authoritarian East African state. When, in response to a civil society lawsuit, the European Court of Human Rights ruled the policy illegal because Rwanda wasn’t a safe country to send people to, the government passed a law declaring it safe, and its more right-wing politicians called for the UK to leave the court.

At the same time, the government raided its aid budget to cover the costs of hosting asylum seekers in the UK. The government merged its international development ministry into its foreign affairs ministry in 2020 and, in 2021, dropped its commitment to spend 0.7 per cent of gross national income on aid. Last year, it spent more than a quarter of its aid budget – money that should be used to help end poverty and inequality in the global south – on hosting asylum seekers in the UK.

As part of its rightward shift, the Conservative Party also backtracked on its commitments to LGBTQI+ rights, waging a culture war against trans rights, including by promising to ban gender-neutral bathrooms and prohibit discussion of gender identity in schools. The UK went from being Europe’s most LGBTQI+-friendly country to 16th. As happens every time politicians target an excluded group for vilification, hate crimes against trans people hit record levels.

This all leaves civil society with a big agenda to take to the new government. There’ve been some early encouraging signs. The government has dropped the Rwanda plan. It’s reversed an onshore wind farm ban. But there are many more advocacy asks. The best way to signal a new beginning would be to commit to respecting and repairing the space where demands can be articulated: rebuilding relationships with civil society, restoring the right to protest and reversing attacks on human rights.

Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

Categories: Africa

How Vote Reflects Farmers’ View on India’s BJP’s Agrarian Policy Amid Climate Change

Mon, 07/15/2024 - 08:20

Farmers in Kashmir sow rice crops. Farmers voted against the ruling BJP because of its unpopular policies and lack of support, as uncertain weather conditions impact their livelihoods. Credit: Umer Asif/IPS

By Umar Manzoor Shah
SRINAGAR, Jul 15 2024 (IPS)

On June 4, Ram Das, a 65-year-old farmer from India’s northern state of Haryana, was anxiously waiting for the results of the country’s general elections. It was early morning when he left his home and, along with his fellow villagers, congregated near a tea stall that had a transistor set playing the election results.

By 11 in the morning, Das had already sipped three cups of tea and smoked a few cigarettes. His anxiety was plummeting as the results hinted at a decreasing number of seats for India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). He, along with the entire hamlet, had voted against the Narendra Modi government. “The farmers are not happy at all. We wanted to teach this government a lesson, and that is what we did,” Das told Inter Press Service.

Despite securing a third term in government, the BJP’s overall election performance was described as a “shock” to Prime Minister Narendra Modi by several media sources. The party fell short of its goal of winning 400 out of 543 seats, managing to secure only 240 seats compared to 303 in the last elections that were held in the year 2019. Opposition parties saw significant success in states with large farming populations, such as Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Maharashtra, Punjab, and West Bengal. Consequently, the BJP had to rely on the 28 cumulative seats from its allies to form the government.

An infographic of the number of seats won by India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the 2019 and 2024 elections for Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, and Punjab have the largest farming populations. The blue bars represent the 2019 elections, and the red bars represent the 2024 elections. The numbers on top of the bars indicate the number of seats won by the BJP out of the total seats available in each state. Credit: Umar Manzoor Shah/IPS

What went wrong and where?

When Narendra Modi first took office in 2014, he promised to reform the agriculture sector and double farmers’ incomes. However, government data from 2022 shows that farmers still live in squalid conditions, earning just Rs 28 ($0.34) per day.

Government data reveals that between 2018 and 2022, a staggering 53,478 farmers took their own lives, overwhelmed by mounting debt, inadequate compensation for their produce, and unpredictable weather conditions. This means 36 farmers were killing themselves every day during this period. “The numbers could be much higher than what is being projected in the government data. This could be the tip of an ice-berg. Many farmer suicides go unreported and never find place in government files,” says Abinav Sinha, a civil society activist based in Indian state of Uttar Pradesh.

In 2020, Modi’s government enacted three controversial agricultural laws without consulting farmers’ groups. This move sparked a massive year-long protest, as farmers feared the laws would lead to increased corporatization of agriculture and the elimination of state-backed protections, such as the minimum support price and the procurement of farm produce by state agencies.

The government ultimately repealed the controversial agricultural laws, but not before enforcing a severe crackdown on the protests. Authorities arrested farmers, barricaded highways to prevent them from reaching New Delhi, and deployed shotguns, pellets, and drones to disperse tear gas on unarmed protesters. As per the various farmers’ associations, over 570 farmers were killed during the protest.

In February of this year, farmers once again took to the streets, this time demanding legal guarantees for a minimum support price (MSP) for crops, among other issues. However, negotiations with government officials failed to yield any conclusive results.

This was the reason that the farmers associations across the country galvanized their efforts into political action and unanimously resolved to vote against the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

June 4: The D-Day

Farmers like Das from Haryana were one amongst the thousands of other farmers who didn’t allow the BJP candidates to even enter their villages for the campaigning. “They were ruthless for us when we sought the rollback of the draconian farm laws. How on earth should we vote for them? We will not even allow them to campaign here,” Das said.

On June 4, this year, election results were announced, and the country was shocked to find the states with a considerable amount of agrarian population voting against the BJP.

In Rajasthan, where the BJP had secured a victory in the state government last December, it won 14 out of 25 seats in the recent elections, a significant drop from winning all 25 seats in 2019.

In Uttar Pradesh, a state where 65 percent of the population relies on agriculture, the BJP managed to win just 33 out of 80 seats, a sharp decline from the 62 seats it secured in 2019 and 71 in 2014.

In Haryana, known as India’s breadbasket, the BJP’s count dropped to five seats out of the 10 available, compared to winning all 10 seats in 2019. The opposition Congress claimed the remaining five seats.

In Punjab, a leading producer of rice and wheat, the BJP failed to win any seats, drawing a blank in the state.

Government Cannot Ignore Climate Change Now

Pranav Shankar, a climate change activist based in New Delhi, told IPS that the general elections in India this year have shown a considerable trend that cannot be ignored, downplayed or undermined. “The farmers have spoken out. This is the reality. To date, the government has ignored the importance of the farming community. From now on, the government has to remain assiduous towards the farmers’ needs and take measures to tackle climate change that is wreaking havoc in the country and putting the farmers in distress,” Shankar said.

He added that more than 33 electoral officers were killed due to heat stroke during the national elections in India this year. “No one talked about them. Even the government itself seems to have forgotten about those poor souls. This is all very unprecedented,” Shankar said.

Note: This feature is published with the support of Open Society Foundations.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Excerpt:

Political parties often play lip service to climate change, but farmers in India, faced with unpopular policies and uncertainty in their livelihoods due to climate change, ensured their views were heard during the recent general elections.

Categories: Africa

From Trauma to Triumph: Kenyan Women’s Courageous Battle Against Female Genital Mutilation

Mon, 07/15/2024 - 08:14

Naomy Kolian and Jane Kaliko share light moments after a tiring day of engaging the community at a public forum on the need to stop FGM. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

By Robert Kibet
NAIROBI, Jul 15 2024 (IPS)

In the heart of Empash village, a fragmented community nestled in Suswa, Narok County, some 62 miles northwest of Nairobi, Naomy Kolian’s story unfolds like a gripping saga of pain, resilience, and unyielding determination.

It was here, amidst the familiar surroundings of her home, that she was subjected to female genital mutilation (FGM), a brutal tradition that left her with physical and emotional scars. This hidden trauma would linger, haunting her well into adulthood.

Here, the Maasai culture thrives on a tapestry of rich traditions and deep-seated customs. The rhythmic chants of age-old songs blend with the distant bellowing of cattle, painting a picture of pastoral tranquility. Yet, beneath this picturesque veneer lies a harrowing reality for many Maasai women, which Naomy Kolian knows all too well.

A mother of five and a fierce advocate against FGM, a practice that nearly shattered her life, Naomy is a testament to the strength of the human spirit.

Her journey began with an unlikely opportunity. Compassion International, a Christian humanitarian organization, offered her the chance to attend school in a community where educating girls is often undervalued.

She thrived in both academics and athletics, becoming one of the best runners in her primary school. But this promising future was abruptly interrupted when, at the age of 14, after her final primary school examinations, she was forced to undergo FGM—a rite of passage that would rob her of her athletic potential and much more.

“We were taken to where my mother was,” Naomy recalls, her voice tinged with a mix of pain and resilience. “There, we found several people with a cow slaughtered. When I asked what was happening, I was lied to and told that nothing was going on. My mother finally disclosed that I was to undergo the cut since all my friends had already done so.”

The following morning, Naomy was placed under the custody of elderly women inside a manyatta, a traditional mud-walled house. The ordeal that followed was nothing short of a nightmare. In the cold, early hours, she was taken outside, stripped, and doused with ice-cold water meant to numb her nerves.

“That is when I fainted,” she says, wiping away tears with the palm of her hand.

Naomy’s voice wavers as she describes the excruciating details of her mutilation. She was sat down and held to the ground by strong women. Despite her struggles, she managed to overpower them temporarily, but this only led to more brutal measures.

“They chose to tie ropes on both legs and pass them through pierced holes in the wall. Men outside held the ropes, which forced my legs apart, giving the elderly woman ample time to carry out her assignment,” she explains, recounting how she felt one leg go numb.

In the Maasai community, FGM lacks a precise method, often resulting in severe complications. Naomy continued to bleed profusely, and the women attending to her resorted to applying sugar, honey, and cold milk to the wound. When these remedies failed, they tied her legs together in a futile attempt to stop the bleeding. Desperation led them to extract almost a liter of fresh cow’s blood, which they forced her to drink, hoping it would stem the blood loss.

Naomy’s ordeal is a stark representation of the plight faced by many Maasai women, who endure such inhumane practices under the guise of cultural preservation.

Lilian Saruni, also a victim, is a mother of seven, married to an elderly man with ten wives. “I engage in the beading business to enable me to educate my children so they can get a basic education,” she says.

“My husband issued curse threats that whoever would prevent the daughters from undergoing the cut would die, including the practitioner,” she shares. With support from the area chief and clergy, Lilian managed to protect her daughter and expand her efforts to help other girls.

Using her own experience as a powerful narrative, Naomy is today one of Kenya’s most powerful and persuasive advocates for the eradication of FGM. As the founder of a grassroots organization, Eselenge Engayion, she focuses on empowering the youth and providing safe havens for girls fleeing forced knife in her native village.

“The pain I went through is fresh in my mind to date, and the worst of it is that I lost my sporting talent completely,” she confides. Yet, her resolve remains unbroken.

“Teachers in high school would punish me for not participating in the sport indicated in my certificate, mistaking my inability to participate as ignorance,” Naomy says.

Determined not to let her past define her future, Naomy persisted. “I said to myself, I should not give up. I told my father that I would proceed to college. An old man was brought home. They resisted, saying that since I had undergone the cut, I should be married. That is when I decided to fake it and got into a relationship with a young man whom I did not love. That’s where I got pregnant,” she narrates.

The fear of hospitals due to the scars from FGM compounded her struggles during childbirth. “I feared going to the hospital because of the rupture due to the scar. I had a premature birth. I asked mom what was happening and she encouraged me, saying it is usually that way. I was referred to Kijabe Hospital. I could not walk properly,” she shares.

Her second birth was equally painful, but with the support of her understanding husband, Naomy managed to pursue a certificate course in Early Childhood Development Education (EDE). She worked as a volunteer, using every opportunity to educate young children and girls on the effects of FGM.

Prof. Patrick Muia Ndavi, an associate professor of obstetrics and gynecology at the University of Nairobi, explains, “When you look at the drivers of FGM, they say it is a cultural issue, a religious issue. But even when we ask which religion supports this practice, they can’t quantify which religion prescribes this vice.”

He continues to highlight the severe harm inflicted upon girls and women, stating, “FGM violates bodily integrity and has led to the deaths of some women and girls. In Kenya, FGM can cause fistula, which affects the communication between the bladder and the birth canal. Young mothers forced to undergo the cut often have children who develop cerebral palsy.”

Muia underscores the chronic, lifelong complications of FGM, which span medical and mental health issues. “Women and girls suffer from anxiety and fear of intimacy, especially where the worst forms of the practice are carried out,” he notes.

Jane Soipan Letooya, a poet from the Keekonyoike location, uses her talent to speak out against FGM. “FGM, taken as a cultural practice, makes it rampant in our community. The practice has cut off the future of many girls,” she asserts. Jane started her campaign in 2020, during the COVID-19 pandemic, motivated by the fear and loss experienced by her classmates.

Sharon Saruni, a 23-year-old student, was rescued by her mother, Lilian Saruni, from her father’s aggression.

“There is a need for a common discussion among stakeholders to dig into the root cause of this rampant vice among the Maasai community,” Sharon insists. She urges fellow girls to speak out without fear, highlighting the low self-esteem and shattered dreams caused by FGM.

According to the Somaliland Ministry of Social Affairs and a 2020 UNFPA report, Somaliland has the world’s highest recorded prevalence of FGM, with about 98 percent of women aged 15-49 having undergone FGM.

Article 8 of the Somaliland Constitution guarantees women the right to be free from violence. However, there is currently no viable anti-FGM policy approved. The Ministry of Social Affairs, in collaboration with relevant stakeholders, is drafting an anti-FGM policy that has been submitted to the cabinet for approval.

“This policy will support and back up the fight against FGM in Somaliland. Without the policy, there is no reference to take action against perpetrators. This policy will significantly enhance our interventions in ending FGM,” Yahye Mohamed, a TGG-ALM team lead, also working for Action Aid Somaliland, told IPS in a virtual interview.

The ongoing conflict in the east and the drought have disrupted the speed of the fight against FGM and the approval of the policy.

Jacinta Muteshi, the regional team leader of The Girl Generation-Support to the Africa-Led Movement dubbed TGG-ALM, noted that the prevalence rates remain very high in many Eastern African countries.

“We have been at the forefront in supporting those leading the fight against FGM in the East Africa region,” she told IPS in an interview.

TGG-ALM is a consortium led by Options Consultancy Services, which includes Amref Health Africa, Action Aid, the Orchid Project, the Africa Coordination Centre for the Abandonment of FGM/C, and the University of Portsmouth. The consortium is actively working in Kenya, Ethiopia, and Somaliland for the East Africa region and Senegal to combat FGM/C.

At a recent AU conference in Tanzania, government representatives highlighted the importance of collaborative actions, emphasizing the need to harmonize laws and penalties, establish hotlines for at-risk individuals, and standardize definitions of FGM to unify their approaches.

“If you look at the African continent, for the 28 countries where the prevalence is high, we are talking about 55 million girls experiencing FGM. Early and forced marriages are often aligned with these prevalence rates,” Muteshi told IPS.

In Kenya, there is a strong stance against FGM by the leadership in terms of policy, resources, and public statements. In Senegal, Amref Health Africa and Action Aid have engaged with parliamentarians to stress the significance of harmonizing regional laws for eradicating FGM/C.

“Many countries have laws, but their inconsistency in enforcing them or allocating resources to make those efforts effective is a concern. Hence, there is a need to bring parliamentarians together to highlight these issues,” Muteshi added.

The recent UNICEF report titled Female Genital Mutilation: A Global Concern-2024 says though the pace of progress is picking up, the rate of decline would need to be 27 times faster to meet the target of eliminating female genital mutilation by 2030, in line with the UN SDG on eliminating harmful practices by 2030.

Saruni Reson, a senior chief in Enosupukia, Narok East sub-county, has lived in Oloserian for five decades. A former teacher, he began fighting against FGM by setting an example with his daughters.

“As a family, we have saved 59 girls from undergoing the cut, and we are on a mission to spread the message against this vice,” he states.

Reson highlights the challenges faced in the fight against FGM. “Distance is one of the main challenges, especially when it comes to mobility coupled with the locality’s terrain when it rains,” he says. Despite these obstacles, the community’s security model, including village elders and local police, has been instrumental in rescuing girls.

“The government’s vision to eradicate the cut by 2030 will be achieved through our assistance, but we target to achieve this before that time,” he affirms. Reson calls for the establishment of safe homes near educational facilities, providing girls with a refuge and a chance for a better future.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Warming Asian Glaciers: Regional Strategy for Riskscape

Mon, 07/15/2024 - 07:00

Tilicho Lake in the Himalayas is the water retention area from glaciers of the Third Pole. Credit: Unsplash/Alexis Rodriguez

By Sanjay Srivastava, Soomi Hong and Shashwat Avi
BANGKOK, Thailand, Jul 15 2024 (IPS)

Scientific assessments reveal that the Third Pole (TP), encompassing the vast glaciated mountain systems of Asia, is warming at an alarming rate of over 0.3 ºC per decade, surpassing the global average.

The TP hosts the largest ice mass outside the polar region, spanning the Tibetan plateau and surrounding ranges: Pamir-Hindu Kush, Hengduan, Tienshan, Qilian, and the Himalayas. Rapid changes in the cryosphere and melting of glaciers significantly impact high-mountain ecosystems and downstream regions.

As the water tower of Asia, the TP is vital for socio-economic stability through its freshwater resources. Warming has caused considerable variations in lakes, inland water bodies and the runoff into the river basins. Additionally, glacial disasters such as ice collapse and glacial lake outburst floods (GLOFs) have become more frequent and dangerous in recent years.

Emerging Third Pole risk hotspots

While the risks emanating from warming are quite diverse in the different geographies of the TP, glacier melting has been intensifying, with more intensive melting along the Himalayas resulting in emergence of multi-hazard risk hotspots.

Recent research reveals that the Hindu Kush Himalayan (HKH) glaciers disappeared 65 per cent faster in 2011–2020 compared with the previous decade.

Future scenarios project that glaciers in the HKH could lose up to 80 per cent of their current volume by the end of the century, with snow cover projected to fall by up to a quarter under high emissions scenarios.

This may drastically reduce freshwater for major Asian rivers including the Yangtze, Indus, Ganges, Amu Darya and Helmand. The decreasing extent of frozen ground (permafrost) will lead to more landslides and problems for infrastructure at high elevation.

The changes observed in Asian high mountain cryosphere to date signal grave consequences for human life and nature. A recent example is a cloudburst over Lhonak Lake in North Sikkim, which triggered a devastating GLOF in the Teesta river basin.

This event resulted in loss of life, the destruction of the 1,200 MW Urja Hydroelectric Chungthang dam and extensive downstream damage, illustrating how disaster risks can compound and cascade in the fragile mountainous context of the Himalayas.

GLOFs pose a threat to mountainous communities across Bhutan, India, Nepal, and Pakistan; from the Himalayas to the Caucasus, Pamir, Hindu Kush-Karakoram and Tien Shan Mountain ranges.

While manifestations of warming Asian glaciers are already visible, they are going to have devastating consequences for water and food security, energy sources, ecosystems, and the lives and livelihoods of hundreds of millions across Asia, many of which will be beyond the limits of adaptation.

Science led TP regional co-operation mechanisms for weather and climate services

Given the transboundary nature of climate threats confronting the Asian glaciers, a stronger regional collaboration and knowledge exchange is required to understand the changing riskscape and develop risk reduction capabilities of the countries in diverse geographies of the TP.

The WMO’s Regional Climate Outlook Forums and Regional Climate Centres anchor unique regional and subregional co-operation architecture. Following this modality, the National Meteorological and Hydrological Services of the TP region have establish the Third Pole Regional Climate Centre Network (TPRCC-Network) to facilitate collaboration.

To capture the specificities of riskscape across TP geographies, the TPRCC-Network comprises three geographical nodes, with thematic responsibilities for mandatory functions for the entire region. While China leads the northern and eastern nodes, India and Pakistan are leading southern and western nodes of the TP. The Beijing Climate Centre provides overall co-ordination. ESCAP along with ICIMOD, TPE, GCW, GEWEX and MRI are contributing partners of the TPRCC-Network.

In early June, the TPRCC-Network issued its first ever seasonal outlook for the summer season June to September 2024 for a high mountain TP region. It highlights that surface air temperatures are likely to be above normal over most parts of the TP region, especially over the Karakoram.

The southwestern and northwestern parts are likely to experience normal to above normal surface air temperatures. Precipitation is likely to be near or above the climatological normal over most parts of the TP region, however, it is likely to be below normal in the western and southeastern parts of the TP region.

Impact forecasting with teleconnection approach in the TP

Weather forecasting relies on the interconnectedness of atmospheric and ocean conditions all the way across the globe, enabling predictions weeks to months in advance. Teleconnections denote significant links between weather phenomena across distant locations, often involving climate patterns spanning thousands of miles.

The TP is characterized by hazards of glaciers with their potential exposure, vulnerability and impacts zones which are thousands of kilometers aways across the different nodes. The impact assessment needs to be based on understanding the teleconnections of glaciers and their potential impact zones.

With the understanding of these unique teleconnections in the TP, ESCAP is making efforts to translate the seasonal outlook in terms of impact scenarios highlighting potentially at-risk communities, sectors and systems of the TP region. ESCAP has developed automation impact-based forecasting tool to help guide risk informed decision making and fill knowledge gaps.

Source of Diagram: ESCAP

Support to adaptation at altitude

Several initiatives aim to accelerate adaptation actions in the mountains, including the multi-country initiative such as the Adaptation at Altitude. These initiatives enhance resilience and adaptive capacity by improving and transferring knowledge through science–policy platforms, informing decision-making in national, regional and global policy processes.

Adaptation and resilience in the Third Pole context hinge on understanding glacier dynamics and their impact on water and ecosystems. The TRCC-Network is an important initiative to support adaptation at altitude.

Sanjay Srivastava is Chief, Disaster Risk Reduction Section, ESCAP; Soomi Hong is Associate Economic Affairs Officer, Disaster Risk Reduction Section, ESCAP; Shashwat Avi is Consultant, Disaster Risk Reduction Section, ESCAP.

The article was also co-authored by Naina Tanwar, Consultant, Disaster Risk Reduction Section, ESCAP and Akshaya Kumar, Intern, Disaster Risk Reduction Section, ESCAP

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

HLPF 2024: Protecting Civic Space Critical for SDGs Success

Fri, 07/12/2024 - 19:55

By Jesselina Rana
NEW YORK, Jul 12 2024 (IPS)

Each year the international community comes together at the UN’s headquarters in New York to take stock of progress on sustainable development. This year’s High-Level Political Forum (HLPF) is being held between 8 and 18 July. Representatives from 36 countries, as per the UN HLPF website, will showcase their achievements on commitments outlined in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, presenting their Voluntary National Reviews (VNRs).

This year’s HLPF convenes amid sobering times, underscored by findings from the recent UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 2024 report. The report highlights growing inequalities, an escalating climate crisis, accelerating biodiversity loss and disappointing progress towards gender equality. These challenges are compounded by conflicts in Gaza, Sudan, Ukraine and beyond, resulting in close to 120 million people being forcibly displaced worldwide. Alarmingly, only 17 per cent of SDG targets are on track, with around half making minimal or moderate progress, and progress on over a third having stalled or regressed.

Among the SDGs being reviewed this year is SDG 16, which includes commitments on responsive, inclusive, participatory and representative decision making, access to information and fundamental freedoms. These hard-won commitments recognise the importance of transparency, accountability and participation in achieving the SDGs. They were agreed only after persistent advocacy by civil society activists. For civil society, it’s crucial that these commitments are realised if the transformative promise of the SDGs is to be achieved, in particular because they enable civil society to work with governments to help deliver the goals.

One major reason for uneven progress on the SDGs is the restriction of civic space in many countries around the world. According to the CIVICUS Monitor – a participatory research collaboration – globally only two per cent of people live in open civic space conditions, where civil society is free to exist and act. Of the 36 countries slated to present VNRs this year, only three – Austria, Palau, and Samoa – have open civic space.

Civic space encompasses the right of people to organise, mobilise and speak out to shape the political, social, and economic structures that impact their lives. Where civic space isn’t open, communities have significantly restricted and limited agency to pursue progress – the kind the SDGs envisage. People who expose corruption, advocate for accountability and stand up for the rights of excluded groups are attacked.

In many countries around the world, civil society organisations and activists are being threatened. One-way states are doing this is by misusing anti-terror laws, cybersecurity laws and health emergency laws against them. States such as Cambodia, Egypt, India, Israel, Russia and Venezuela, among others, are subjecting civil society organisations to a complex maze of regressive laws and practices to deny them raising funds from domestic and international sources. This undermines civil society’s ability to push for innovative policies, deliver services to the people who need them most and act as a watchdog over the use of public resources.

Meaningful civil society participation at all levels is crucial for realising the SDGs. However, even within UN platforms like the HLPF, there remains no official way of integrating civil society voices into VNR processes, leading civil society organisations to produce parallel ‘shadow reports’ on the forum’s margins. This current format undermines the potential for meaningful engagement from civil society, leads to duplication of efforts, mismatches data and hinders accountability of states.

If the SDGs are to be achieved, it’s paramount to create a conducive environment where civil society can thrive and participate meaningfully in decision-making and accountability processes, without fear of reprisals. That’s why many civil society organisations have banded together under the Unmute Civil Society initiative to advocate for practical solutions to overcome the challenge of international-level participation. The UN must demonstrate leadership by making more space for civil society at the HLPF.

Jesselina Rana is CIVICUS UN Advisor at UN Hub in New York City.

Categories: Africa

Overwhelmed Healthcare Systems in Gaza Struggle Through Evacuation Orders

Fri, 07/12/2024 - 11:40

Displaced families in Gaza are on the move after the latest Israeli evacuation orders. Around nine in 10 Gazans have been displaced at least once since the war began. Photo: UNRWA

By Naureen Hossain
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 12 2024 (IPS)

For nine months, over 2 million people in the Gaza Strip have been forcibly displaced in the wake of the armed conflict between Israel and Hamas. The ongoing fighting and displacement have put significant strain on humanitarian organizations on the ground to address even basic health needs.

The United Nations and other humanitarian organizations have stressed that the healthcare system in Gaza has collapsed or has suffered undue pressure as a result of the fighting. Out of 36 hospitals in the area, 13 remain open, operating with partial functionality.

This includes Nasser Hospital, which now stands as the last hospital providing comprehensive healthcare services. It has been overwhelmed with patients in the wake of evacuation orders issued on July 1 by Israeli authorities for the east and south of Khan Younis. Patients and medical personnel working in the Gaza European Hospital, located in Khan Younis, evacuated ahead of time.

Although an official from the Israeli defense force stated that patients and medical personnel were exempt from the evacuation order, this was not conveyed to the humanitarian groups on the ground.

Andrea de Domenico, UN-OCHA’s Head of Office in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, told reporters in a virtual press briefing on July 3 that OCHA was not informed. He stated that it was likely that those who evacuated acted based on past experiences where hospitals were specifically targeted for raids or military bombardment, and so they took preemptive measures to evacuate before the Israeli military moved in on Khan Younis.

Evacuation orders have devastating implications for the fragile health infrastructure by disrupting the functionality of health facilities within and adjacent to evacuation zones, as one spokesperson from the World Health Organization (WHO) told IPS. They impede access for both healthcare providers and patients, and they compromise the efficacy and security of humanitarian operations. In addition, this only increases the burden on other hospitals that are now charged with receiving patients from evacuated areas.

As one of the remaining hospitals providing comprehensive care, Nasser Hospital has been operating beyond capacity with limited supplies, amidst destruction in the surrounding area, which WHO staff on the ground have said is ‘indescribable’. The area surrounding the hospital is laden with heavy layers of debris, destroyed buildings, and no stretch of an intact road. Its pediatric ward has now hosted more than 120 patients since July 5, despite its 56-bed capacity.

OCHA and the World Health at Nasser Medical Complex in Gaza earlier this year. UN and other humanitarian agencies have been struggling to ensure health care continues. Credit: OCHA

It is also operating with dwindling medical supplies and holds responsibility for sterilizing equipment for the surrounding field hospitals, according to Doctors Without Borders (DWB). Despite the critical need for supplies, DWB trucks and convoys carrying these supplies have been unable to enter Gaza since April. As recently as July 3, trucks were denied entry due to ongoing fighting in the South.

“Overall, it’s a comprehensive issue—from shortages of beds and supplies to the lack of surgeons. With yet another hospital closed, patients’ lives are even more at risk,” said medical team leader Javid Abdelmoneim, working in Nasser Hospital.

The issue of life-saving aid being restricted from entering Gaza has continued to persist and impact operations for humanitarian organizations on the ground, including the UN. As the WHO spokesperson told IPS, their trucks were unable to pass through last week as the Karem Shalom crossing remains closed.

Fuel has been identified as critical to the functionality of health facilities and aid operations, and yet shortages are rampant. A WHO spokesperson stated that hospitals have been forced to work with limited supplies of fuel, electricity and solar systems, and this has only hindered groups from properly functioning.

Power blackouts in newborn/ICU and kidney dialysis units place their patients at critical risk. The lack of fuel also impacts the water and sanitation sectors, which require at least seventy-thousand liters of fuel a day, and yet in the last few weeks, they have only received less than ten percent of what is needed.

Only 500,000 liters of fuel have been brought in during the first week of July, and 2 million liters were brought in in the month of June, which humanitarian organizations note is a fraction of the fuel needed to sustain humanitarian, medical, and WASH operations—at least 400,000 liters per day.

Trash and sewage buildup and a lack of clean water, among other factors, have all led to the spread of water-borne diseases and upper respiratory infections. According to the WHO, since mid-October 2023, they have reported cases of diarrhea, lice and scabies, skin rashes, impetigo and chicken pox.

“While a healthy body can more easily fight off diseases, a wasted and weakened body will struggle and become more susceptible,” one WHO spokesperson told IPS.

Meanwhile, acute food insecurity has ravaged Gaza. Since the start of the war, food insecurity has been a major concern for humanitarian actors in the region and globally.

The Integrated Phase Classification (IPC)’s special brief acute food insecurity projected that 96 percent of Gaza’s population, or 2.15 million people, would be experiencing extreme levels of food insecurity between June 16 and September 30, which includes over 495,000 people who face catastrophic food insecurity. More than half of the households reported that often, they did not have any food in the household, and more than 20 percent go full days and nights without eating. The violence and repeated displacement have challenged people’s ability to cope or to access humanitarian assistance.

This is further exacerbated when humanitarian workers are also forced to relocate for their own safety and move their operations. Domenico stated that the constant movement also means that warehouses containing fuel and supplies are abandoned as a result. In the case of UN agencies such as OCHA and its partners, humanitarian operations may be considered a parameter of activity that is (or should be) protected from military activity. Their presence is likely to signal to people that it may be safe to be there or that their basic needs will be met.

So far, 34 people have died from malnutrition and dehydration, according to the Ministry of Health. Of those deaths, WHO notes that 28 of them are children. A group of independent experts has warned that famine has spread throughout the Gaza Strip, noting recent cases of children who have died due to hunger and malnutrition, one of whom was as young as six months old.

“With the death of these children from starvation despite medical treatment in central Gaza, there is no doubt that famine has spread from northern Gaza into central and southern Gaza,” the experts said in a shared statement.

The IPC special brief notes that only a cessation of the armed conflict and sustained, uninterrupted humanitarian intervention could reduce the risk of famine. Humanitarian organizations have struggled to maintain their operations while hostilities have persisted in the Gaza Strip, endangering and displacing more than a million civilians multiple times over, along with humanitarian workers who have risked their lives to continue providing what little life-saving aid can cross the border. Military violence has continued despite international condemnation and repeated demands for a ceasefire.

Organizations such as WHO and Doctors Without Borders have coordinated with health partners and agencies on the ground, namely UNRWA, to provide primary care, support vaccination campaigns, and deploy emergency medical teams. As the WHO notes, however, these efforts can only support the health system; they cannot replace it.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Note: This feature was published with the support of the Riana Group.

Categories: Africa

Women & Girls Find their Sexual & Reproductive Health on the Frontlines of a Battle they Didn’t Start

Fri, 07/12/2024 - 08:19

Credit: UNFPA/Eldson Chagara

Nsanje, Malawi - Eliza, 30, and her newborn baby at their home in Dinde camp after their home collapsed and they were displaced during Storm Freddy in March 2023. Eliza's newborn is receiving a checkup from Fainess Yobe, UNFPA Technical Officer for Health System Strengthening. Cyclone Freddy was reportedly the longest-lasting tropical storm on record and caused severe flooding and mudslides, with the worst damage in Madagascar, Malawi and Mozambique.
Meanwhile, as Africa emerges as epicentre of the climate crisis, women and girls find their sexual and reproductive health on the frontlines of a battle they didn't start, UNFPA reports find.

By Angela Baschieri
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 12 2024 (IPS)

Droughts, cyclones, floods and extreme temperatures – these are the ‘new abnormal’ of a world in which weather-related events are becoming increasingly prolonged, intense and frequent.

While Africa contributes only 2 to 3 per cent of global greenhouse gas emissions and it is the least responsible for the global climate emergency, the continent has emerged as the epicentre of the global climate emergency.

Africa is warming faster than other parts of the world, resulting in lower crop yields and sparking conflict over scarce resources such as water and arable land. Millions continue to be displaced as their homes and livelihoods are destroyed by extreme weather events. Once separated from the communities that sustain them, they become more vulnerable.

While this cascade of crises affects almost everyone, women and girls are impacted differently and disproportionately – especially when it comes to their sexual and reproductive health. The communities and networks that they depend on for family planning and maternal health care, and for protection from gender-based violence are disrupted by extreme weather events. What follows is a spike in unintended pregnancies, maternal and newborn deaths, and child marriages.

This unseen toll that climate emergencies exact on women and girls’ sexual and reproductive health is emerging across Africa, triggering untold suffering. Poor, vulnerable women and girls in at-risk countries are needlessly finding themselves in grave danger – when a safe and prosperous future can be secured.

It begins with recognizing that women and girls are on the frontlines of a crisis they did not create – and that it will take strong commitments, backed by significant global climate financing, to safeguard their sexual and reproductive health.

It is in this context that UNFPA, the United Nations sexual and reproductive health agency, in partnership with Queen Mary University London and the International Development Research Centre (IDRC), launched an analysis of governments’ climate commitments, capturing the realities and unique needs of Africa’s divergent regions.

The analytical report, Taking Stock: Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights in Climate Commitments, includes three sub-regional reports – one for East and Southern Africa, one for West and Central Africa, and one for Middle East and North Africa. Each presents a detailed analysis of the climate plans and commitments of countries under the Paris Agreement in 2015.

UNFPA’s analysis of the climate plans of 46 African countries reveals that considerations for sexual and reproductive health of women and girls are absent from the vast majority of published climate commitments. Only 17 countries have integrated sexual and reproductive health and rights into their national climate plans.

The consequences of extreme heat and climate change are undeniable. There is increased risk of stillbirths; mounting food insecurity threatens maternal and newborn health; and climate-related displacement is exposing more women and girls to gender-based violence (GBV), including harmful practices such as child marriage and female genital mutilation. These vulnerabilities are compounded in the African context, among the most vulnerable in the world to climate change.

In East and Southern Africa, climate change-driven tropical cyclones are proving increasingly common, spreading waterborne diseases such as cholera and damaging hospitals, putting women with complicated pregnancies in peril.

Yet only 8 out of 19 national climate plans include references to sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) and GBV. And where these are in fact referenced, they typically mention only maternal and newborn health, HIV and AIDS, and GBV – and they are seldom backed by specific programme actions and budget lines.

In North Africa, multi-year droughts are threatening the livelihoods of millions, forcing many women to become heads of households as men are more likely to migrate in search of economic opportunities.

While most countries reference the impacts of climate change on SRHR and GBV, only a few outline specific initiatives aimed at strengthening resilience to climate change through providing SRHR and GBV-related services.

West and Central Africa is plagued by intensifying floods, extreme drought, intense rainfall and desertification, which are exacerbating pre-existing vulnerabilities, including climate-related conflict and diminished access to natural resources, affecting food security.

Yet just 6 out of 22 national climate plans address SRHR and GBV, referring to maternal health, menstrual hygiene and GBV. Even then, most of these countries have not backed this up with meaningful action plans – a failing that must be addressed.

“Governments should ensure more adaptive measures to sensitize women and girls on climate change, while putting in place safety nets to ensure that they continue to have access to sexual and reproductive health services even in times of climate events and displacement,” said Fatou Jeng, the founder of Clean Earth Gambia.

This youth-led climate organization has mobilized thousands of Gambian youths to build marginalized and vulnerable communities’ resilience to climate change.

It is critical that countries prioritize sexual and reproductive health and rights in their climate commitments and strategies. Protecting vulnerable populations is a moral imperative and human rights issue, and must be pursued urgently alongside efforts to reduce emissions.

Yet, while global efforts are not keeping apace with the increasing scale and speed of climate impacts, there is hope on the horizon. The fund established at COP28 in 2023 for responding to climate-related loss and damage can and must deliver much-needed funds and resources to at-risk African countries.

In addition, wealthy countries can and must significantly increase global climate finance aimed at helping women and young people prepare for a future of climate shocks.

Greater access to financial and technical assistance from wealthy countries can facilitate better data collection on how the climate emergency is impacting women and girls in Africa, so that programmes can help those who need it most. It can also strengthen health systems so they are climate-resilient and ensure services are more mobile, stocks are pre-positioned, and adequate staff are in place.

Africa has one of the most demographically diverse populations on the planet, including the world’s youngest population. There is an important ally when it comes to climate action – it is the very women and young people being impacted by climate change.

“More often than not, NDC [National Determined Contribution] discussions are confined to government boardrooms, yet the proposals that stem from them affect the youth and make women, particularly those living with disabilities, invisible and marginalized,” said Kenyan Imali Ngusale of the UNFPA Joint Youth Working Group on SRHR and Climate Change. If given the chance and offered a seat at the climate table, women and young people offer a wealth of innovative solutions.

Putting the sexual and reproductive health of women, girls and young people at the heart of climate action is vital. By focusing a global community of interested parties, governments and climate financiers, the world can deliver on climate action and climate justice to safeguard the planet.

Angela Baschieri, PhD, is UNFPA Technical Lead on Climate Action

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Is Artificial Intelligence The Way Forward or Backward?

Fri, 07/12/2024 - 07:53

Credit: Oritro Karim

By Oritro Karim
NEW YORK, Jul 12 2024 (IPS)

Contrary to popular belief, artificial intelligence has been a cornerstone of technological progress for much longer than the past few years. Computer scientist Alan Turing brought forth the concept of computers solving complex human problems with his invention of the Turing Machine in 1936. This machine provided solutions to a seemingly infinite number of problems, yet the technological limitations of the early 1900s proved that this number was indeed very finite. Flash forward to the 2020s, artificial intelligence has become a widespread practice, impacting different fields such as music, art, science, forensics, finance, agriculture, and many others. Although artificial intelligence has been hailed as the future of human progress, it also poses a risk to this future due to its significant carbon footprint.

AI systems require lengthy periods of training and development in order to be effective for use by the general public. This developmental period is costly in terms of its electrical output. According to the Earth.org article “The Green Dilemma: Can AI Fulfill Its Potential Without Harming the Environment?”, the computing power that it takes to train AI systems doubles every 3.4 months and AI is expected to contribute to 14 percent of global emissions by 2040. Furthermore, studies show that the carbon footprint from training AI systems is larger than the combined outputs of planes and cars. The staggering emissions caused by AI have a direct effect on the greenhouse effect, climate change, and global warming, all of which pose a great risk to the environment.

In addition, artificial intelligence has the ability to amplify existing environmental concerns. One such example is the issue of electronic waste, or E-waste. E-waste refers to the discarding of electronic items when they are damaged or at the end of their lifespan. According to “The Growing Environmental Risks of E-Waste”, this discarded material can leak toxic chemicals into the environment, such as lead, mercury, and arsenic, which are linked to severe health issues such as cancer, miscarriages, and brain damage. The article, “The Environmental Impact of AI” states that this is a serious issue as E-waste “is a significant environmental problem as it contributes to soil, water, and air pollution. It is essential to develop sustainable and responsible practices for the disposal and recycling of electronic waste”. Although many don’t see any potential drawbacks when it comes to AI, there are real consequences that can have extremely detrimental effects on the environment. E-waste is linked to damage in ecosystems as well as losses in biodiversity. This can cause changes in our access to water, food, and air. It is imperative that we find a way to mitigate the effects of E-waste as it can greatly impact the longevity of Earth.

Furthermore, artificial intelligence promotes hyperconsumerism worldwide which leads to larger amounts of waste in landfills. Hyperconsumerism is the consumption of goods that exceed the basis of necessity. This can be seen particularly in social media, in which algorithms select advertisements based on a user’s activity. AI is specifically linked with fast fashion, which is an environmental problem in its own right. The Harvard Magazine article “AI and Consumerism” states that corporations often use “black-box algorithms” which employ a lack of transparency regarding pricing and origin to deceive consumers into purchasing products. This lack of transparency makes users believe that they are purchasing goods in an efficient way, encouraging them to purchase beyond the point of necessity. As seen in fast fashion, these goods are often made using low quality materials and cheap or even illegal labor. These goods are easily damaged and therefore, end up in landfills and necessitates the consumer to buy more, which repeats the cycle.

Despite all of these drawbacks, it is important to note that artificial intelligence has the ability to mitigate the environmental issues that it exacerbates. As discussed earlier, a primary consequence of AI is the waste it produces. AI has the ability to help in global waste management. The article “9 Ways AI is Helping to Tackle Climate Change” states, “Greyparrot, a software startup based in London, United Kingdom, has developed an AI system that analyzes waste processing and recycling facilities to help them recover and recycle more waste material”. This system has the potential to significantly elongate the longevity of the planet as waste heavily contributes to the release of methane and global warming. Systems like this can recycle landfills, clean oceans, reduce pollution, and therefore benefit local flora and fauna. Most importantly, AI is helping the world to lower carbon emissions. Carbon emissions are responsible for much of the world’s environmental crises and are linked to a vast array of health problems. The same article states that AI is being used to help companies track their carbon emissions and provide them with ways to reduce them altogether by 20-30 percent. Although artificial intelligence has the ability to significantly harm our planet, if used responsibly and ethically, it can help guide the world to a healthier place.

Sources Used:
1. https://earth.org/the-green-dilemma-can-ai-fulfil-its-potential-without-harming-the-environment/
2. https://www.genevaenvironmentnetwork.org/resources/updates/the-growing-environmental-risks-of-e-waste/
3. https://insights.grcglobalgroup.com/the-environmental-impact-of-ai/
4. https://www.harvardmagazine.com/2024/03/ai-and-consumerism
5. https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2024/02/ai-combat-climate-change/#:~:text=The%20use%20of%20artificial%20intelligence,the%20World%20Economic%20Forum%20says

Oritro Karim is a recent graduate from Rochester Institute of Technology and a working illustrator, graphic designer, painter, and writer.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

UAE Complicit in Sudan Slaughter

Thu, 07/11/2024 - 13:48

Credit: Mark Kerrison/In Pictures via Getty Images

By Andrew Firmin
LONDON, Jul 11 2024 (IPS)

Sudan is the scene of unimaginable suffering. As war between army and militia continues, civilians are paying the highest price. Both sides are killing non-combatants and committing gross human rights crimes.

The country stands on the brink of famine. It’s experiencing its worst recorded levels of food insecurity and over 750,000 are at risk of starvation.

Around 11 million people have been forced to flee their homes, armed forces have stolen and destroyed food supplies, crops and livestock, and many people are no longer able to earn a living or farm. UN human rights experts accuse both sides of using denial of food as a weapon, including by blocking humanitarian deliveries and looting depots.

Many of the worst-affected areas are in Darfur, where the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia has gained territory and is currently besieging El Fasher. The RSF grew out of the militias that committed genocide in Darfur two decades ago, and they’re again accused of genocide, carrying out ethnically motivated mass killings. Meanwhile, the army it’s fighting, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), has blocked the main humanitarian access point on the border with Chad.

Proxy war

The conflict broke out in April 2023, sparked by a power struggle between two men: Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, SAF commander-in-chief and leader of the ruling junta, and Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemeti, RSF head. The two worked together in the 2021 coup that ousted a civilian government. A plan to incorporate the RSF into the SAF was the flashpoint of their battle for leadership and, crucially, control of resources.

But beyond the two warring egos, bigger forces are at play. Several other states are taking sides in the conflict, enabling it to continue. Much of the foreign involvement is opaque and subject to official denials. Egypt and Iran are among states providing military support to the SAF. Meanwhile, forces from the eastern part of divided Libya have allegedly helped supply the RSF, and the Chadian government is accused of cooperating with it.

Another distant war is echoing in Sudan. Russia, which has extensive goldmining interests in the country, initially seemed to be siding with the RSF, particularly through its mercenary fighters. In response, Ukrainian troops reportedly carried out attacks on Russian mercenaries and RSF forces. More recently, however, Russia may be tilting towards the SAF, possibly eyeing the development of a Red Sea naval base. Russia recently abstained on a UN Security Council resolution calling on the RSF to end its siege of El Fasher, which it could have vetoed.

But the biggest player is the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the Gulf petrostate that’s increasingly asserting itself in many African countries. In countries undergoing conflict, it takes sides. In Ethiopia, when federal troops fought separatist groups from Tigray, the UAE supported the government. In Libya, it’s backed the eastern forces fighting those in the west.

In Sudan, it’s firmly on the RSF’s side. It’s supplying weapons to the RSF, including reportedly through shipments disguised as humanitarian aid and supplies routed through other African counties where it has a presence. Key RSF backroom operations are being run from UAE locations. Wounded RSF fighters are reportedly being treated in Abu Dhabi. Without the UAE’s support, it’s highly unlikely the RSF would be able to sustain its war effort on its current scale. The UAE denies it all, but a UN expert panel found the allegations credible.

The UAE has extensive economic interests at stake. It receives more Sudanese gold than any other country, some of which makes its way to Russia. It has large agricultural investments and a major Red Sea port plan.

There are political interests too. The UAE doesn’t want countries it has a stake in to democratise. It supports several anti-democratic African governments, including in Algeria, Egypt and Tunisia. It likely sees backing the RSF as the best way to ensure the democratic transition once promised by the 2019 revolution remains thwarted.

A Middle East power struggle is playing out in Sudan. The UAE has long taken a similar stance to Saudi Arabia’s, but increasingly shows an appetite to contest Saudi supremacy. The two ended up diverging over their involvement in the conflict in Yemen. Its Sudan policy is another way the UAE can demonstrate its independence.

The UAE’s role also accounts for Iran’s pro-SAF position, while Saudi Arabia is trying to distinguish itself from both by brokering peace talks, known as the Jeddah process, which so far have come to little.

The UAE also has powerful friends in the west, not least the UK and the USA, and it’s using them to limit international scrutiny. The British government, which currently leads on Sudan at the UN Security Council, was reported to have pressured African states not to criticise the UAE over its support for the RSF.

Time for action

The people of Sudan deserve better than to be pawns in a proxy war waged by distant states.

But people in the UAE have no way to pressure their government if they’re upset about the blood on its hands. Civic space in the UAE is closed and those who speak out are routinely criminalised.

This means it falls on others to mobilise. States helping perpetuate the conflict should come under greater pressure from other states, the international community and international civil society.

The first and most urgent demand must be for unfettered humanitarian access. Even then, an immediate ceasefire is needed. There must the follow a process of genuine dialogue to build peace and plan for transition, which must involve Sudanese civil society in its diverse forms.

The international community must step up its efforts. The UN’s fact-finding mission, established last October following civil society advocacy, has been severely hampered by funding shortfalls, as has the humanitarian response plan. States must adequately resource the UN response.

States, the international community and civil society must also throw the spotlight on the UAE. There must be consequences. When the RSF eventually faces justice, those who enabled it must also be held to account – and the UAE’s rulers should be first in line.

Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

Categories: Africa

New Child Marriages, Cohabitation With a Child Law in Sierra Leone Lauded

Thu, 07/11/2024 - 10:00

The newly-signed Sierre Leone law outlawing child marriage also says that those who entered into marriage as children before the new legislation came into effect can petition for annulment. Credit: Joyce Chimbi/IPS

By Joyce Chimbi
FREETOWN & NAIROBI, Jul 11 2024 (IPS)

“A person shall not contract marriage with a child,” Sierra Leone’s landmark Prohibition of Child Marriage Act 2024 says, outlawing, in no uncertain terms, child marriage, giving consent to and attempted child marriage, officiating, attending and promoting child marriage, and use of force or ill-treatment of a child.

The legislation was signed by Sierra Leone President Julius Maada Bio earlier in July in a ceremony organized by First Lady Fatima Bio, whose “Hands Off Our Girls” campaign played a crucial role in this achievement.

Men who marry girls under 18 face 15 years in prison, a fine of around USD 4,000, or both.

Fatou Gueye Ndir, Senior Regional Engagement and Advocacy Officer for Girls Not Brides, told IPS that the power of the new legislation towards ending harmful practices cannot be overemphasized, as “it also includes provisions for enforcing penalties on offenders, protecting victims’ wives, and ensuring access to education and support services for young girls affected.”

Girls Not Brides is a global partnership of over 1,400 civil society organizations committed to ending child marriage and enabling girls to fulfill their potential. Fatou says the new law has injected new life into the fight against child marriage and early and forced marriages in Sierra Leone.

“This is a turning point. We call upon the government to continue to provide support services for affected girls and access to education, which are essential so that girls are protected and are not negatively impacted by criminalization of child marriage.”

The law also prohibits conspiracy to cause child marriage and aiding and abetting child marriage. So comprehensive is the new law that it also prohibits cohabitation with a child, any attempt to do so, conspiracy to cause cohabitation with a child and, aiding and abetting cohabitation with a child.

Fatima Maada Bio, the First Lady of Sierra Leone, championed the legislation with her Hands Off Our Girls campaign. Credit: UN

UNICEF says in 2020 alone, nearly 800,000 girls under the age of 18 were married, accounting for a third of the girls in Sierra Leone. Half of them married before they turned 15. So prevalent is the child marriage scourge that approximately nine percent of all children will have gotten married by age 15, and 30 percent by age 18.

Hannah Yambasu, director for Women Against Violence and Exploitation in Society Sierra Leone (WAVES-SL), which is a national NGO, told IPS that in the absence of a law prohibiting child marriages, “the compulsory education policy, where all children must go to school, has not been enough to keep girls within the education system. There are ethnic groups and communities that believe girls, in and out of school, should not turn 18 years old before getting married.”

She says girls entered risky territory at the age of 12 and that many were subsequently forced into child marriages and their lifelong consequences.

Yambasu agrees, saying that the law in and of itself is not enough and concerted efforts must be made to sensitize the community on all sections of the law, especially as the Customary Marriage and Divorce Act 2009 allowed for child marriages with the consent of a parent or guardian and did not stipulate a minimum age of marriage. Stressing that massive, grassroots civic education is urgently needed.

Fatou said effective implementation of the law will lead to substantial gains and positive outcomes in education, health and the economic advancement of women. Emphasizing that child marriage and education are strongly interlinked, as girls who stay longer in school are protected from child marriages. Furthermore, girls will have fewer disruption caused by early marriage or early pregnancy and, are more likely to perform better.

“Child marriage is linked to girls’ pregnancy, so the law will progressively help reduce maternal and infant mortality. Delaying marriage and pregnancy will significantly lower the risk associated with early childbirth, including all the complications that often lead to higher rates of maternal and infant mortality,” Fatou says.

Further indicating that girls who avoid early child marriage are less likely to experience the psychological trauma or stress associated with child marriage, leading to improved mental health outcomes.

“When more girls complete their education, there will be a larger pool of educated women entering the workforce, contributing to economic growth and development. Educated women are more likely to secure better-paying jobs, which can elevate the economic status of their families, reducing poverty levels,” she says.

The rapid rise in the child population in Africa necessitates radical steps towards ending all harmful practices, including child marriage, as they derail progress towards universal access to education. Child marriage is particularly a major obstacle to sustainable development. Six of the world’s 10 countries with the highest rates of child marriage are in West and Central Africa, where the average prevalence across the region remains high—nearly 41 per cent of girls marry before reaching the age of 18.

The new Sierra Leone law is timely, especially in light of the Sustainable Development Goals Report 2024, which details the significant challenges the world is facing in making substantial strides towards achieving the SDGs. It features areas with setbacks while also showcasing where tangible progress has been made, for instance, the world continues to lag in its pursuit of gender equality by 2030.

While harmful practices are decreasing, the report finds it are not keeping up with population growth. One in five girls still marries before age 18, compared to one in four 25 years ago—68 million child marriages were averted in this period.

The report raises concerns that far too many women still cannot realize the right to decide on their sexual and reproductive health. Violence against women persists, disproportionately affecting those with disabilities. With just six years remaining, current progress falls far short of what is required to meet the SDGs. Without massive investment and scaled-up action, the report calls into question the achievement of the SDGs.

The UN’s Summit of the Future will be held in September 2024. A once-in-a-generation opportunity to enhance cooperation on critical challenges and reaffirm existing commitments, including to the Sustainable Development Goals.

Yambasu understands these challenges all too well, as she works closely with adolescent girls, women and vulnerable persons, including those with disabilities and implores all governments, stakeholders and the older generation to give girls a chance to live their life as they choose

“A chance to go to school and to later on choose the husband of their choice. They go into forced marriages with their hearts bleeding and the trajectory of their lives changing for the worst. All children deserve protection and happiness, and we now have a legal blueprint to safeguard their dreams,” she says.

Stressing that girls deserve “access to all the tools necessary to fully participate in developing our nations in Africa. We need to rise up against all harmful practices. The traditions are there, yes, and we want to preserve them. But let us keep only those that develop and advance our communities.”

Note: This article is brought to you by IPS Noram in collaboration with INPS Japan and Soka Gakkai International in consultative status with ECOSOC.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Adding Life to Years – Demographic Change in Asia and the Pacific

Thu, 07/11/2024 - 06:33

Grandparents looking after a toddler at a park in Viet Nam. Credit: Pexels/Loifotos

According to the World Population Prospects 2024: Summary of Results published July 10, it is expected that the world’s population will peak in the mid-2080s, growing over the next sixty years from 8.2 billion people in 2024 to around 10.3 billion in the mid-2080s, and then will return to around 10.2 billion by the end of the century. The size of the world’s population in 2100 is now expected to be six per cent lower—or 700 million fewer—than anticipated a decade ago. Meanwhile, the UN is commemorating World Population Day on July 11.

By Srinivas Tata
BANGKOK, Thailand, Jul 11 2024 (IPS)

World Population Day on 11 July provides an excellent opportunity to take stock and look ahead regarding population issues that are affecting all aspects of society in Asia and the Pacific.

This year is special, since we also commemorate the adoption of the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) 30 years ago in Cairo. In Asia and the Pacific, we convened the Seventh Asian and Pacific Population Conference in 2023 which informed the ICPD commemoration earlier this year.

These events help us to reflect on how the concept of population policies has evolved from a narrow focus on population control to identifying and seeking opportunities in the multiple linkages between population and development.

The region has changed beyond recognition from the situation in 1963 when the first Asian and Pacific Population Conference was convened, and population policies were first given serious attention.

The population of the region at that time was 1.9 billion, with a total fertility rate of about 6.0 births per woman and a life expectancy at birth of 51.3 years. Children aged 0-14 accounted for 40 per cent of the total population, whereas persons 65 years or older accounted for about 4 per cent.

Today, the region has a population of about 4.8 billion people which represents about 58 per cent of the world’s total. The total fertility rate has plunged to 1.8 births per woman, life expectancy at birth has increased to 74.7 years, and the proportion of older persons stands at 10.5 per cent of the total population (and it is projected to go up to 19 per cent or almost 1 billion people by 2050).

These aggregates mark variation at the subregional levels, with older persons in countries in East and North-East Asia, for example, already accounting for a much greater share of the total population compared to countries in other parts of the region.

This has significant implications for the labour force, economy, health care and sustainability of social protection systems. The issue has been highlighted by ESCAP and the UN system for years, and it is now receiving heightened attention from Governments, civil society and mainstream media, some of whom are making doomsday predictions resulting in negative perceptions of older persons and outright ageism.

Some governments have initiated pro-natalist policies with limited effect. The demographic changes that have happened over decades cannot be reversed by the flick of a switch.

We need to understand that population ageing is the result of significant progress and achievements in health care, nutrition, education, strives toward gender equality and empowerment of women and greater reproductive choices for women.

Population ageing can be seen as a natural outcome of these achievements, but clearly, we need to adapt better to these changes that affect all aspects of society. We need a range of interconnected policies which ensure stronger social protection systems, promote active and healthy ageing, and build strong care systems. We need to support older women who are often the most likely to be left behind.

Also, the younger people of today are older persons of tomorrow, and thus we must adopt a life course approach to population ageing that recognizes the importance of data and evidence and accords priority to the rights of older persons.

As proportions of older persons rise, significant cohorts of populations in different age groups will co-exist in our region for the first time in history. This means that managing inter-generational relations will be critical to ensuring harmonious, cohesive, inclusive and sustainable societies in the future.

Ensuring gender equality is critical to addressing this issue. Relieving women, including many older women, of the huge unpaid care burden and ensuring their participation in the labour force will contribute to maintaining labour force productivity keeping them active and healthy for longer periods. This will add trillions of USD to the GDP of countries in the region.

This can only be achieved if population policies are reimagined to explore their multiple links to the different dimensions of development, taking into account the changing age and family structures.

In the end, it is as important to add life to years as it is to add years to life.

Srinivas Tata is Director of ESCAP’s Social Development Division.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Megaport in Brazil Makes No Contribution to Local Development

Wed, 07/10/2024 - 22:04

One of the terminals of the port of Açu on its inner side, in a channel dredged to a depth of 14.5 metres to receive vessels of up to 3.7 metres draught and a variety of cargoes. Credit: Mario Osava / IPS

By Mario Osava
SÃO JOÃO DA BARRA, Brazil, Jul 10 2024 (IPS)

With barely 10 years in operation, the port of Açu is now the second in Brazil in cargo transport and seeks to become an industrial and energy transition hub. But so far it has contributed little to local development, causing environmental and social damage.

The megaproject, which is presented as “the largest private deep-water port and industrial complex in Latin America”, occupies 130 square kilometres in the municipality of São João da Barra, some 30 kilometres from the city and 320 kilometres northeast of Rio de Janeiro, in the state of the same name.

It channels 30% of Brazil’s oil exports and 24 million tonnes of iron ore transported through a 529-kilometre-long pipeline from the mine of the Brazilian subsidiary of the British transnational Anglo American, in Conceição do Mato Dentro, a municipality in the neighbouring southern state of Minas Gerais.“It’s an enclave without social, political and economic interests in the surrounding territory, with no connection to local reality": José Luis Vianna da Cruz.

In 2023, 84.6 million tonnes of cargo will pass through this port, 27% more than in 2022. This growth averages 30 % annually since it started operating in October 2014, according to its management.

“Here you can arrive and leave by sea and land without the queues of trucks that affect other ports, such as Santos,” Brazil’s largest, located in the neighbouring state of São Paulo, said Eugenio Figueiredo, president of the Port of Açu Operations management company.

Its location outside urban centres is one of the local advantages he mentioned to a group of journalists, including from IPS, who visited the port on 4 July. In addition, the main export products do not arrive by road. Oil comes by sea from offshore wells in the Atlantic and iron ore by pipeline.

The Port of Açu, the second largest cargo port in Brazil, stretches into the sea to receive giant ships destined to transport iron ore and oil. Credit: Wikimedia commons

The depth, of 14.5 metres at the terminals sheltered within a canal and 25 metres at the advanced jetty in the sea, is another favourable point to facilitate access for giant ships. Being private speeds up the operations, lacking the bureaucracy of public ports, according to Figueiredo.

So far, the company reports that it has invested the equivalent of 3.7 billion dollars in this mega-infrastructure, and plans to invest a further 4.070 billion over the next 10 years.

Oil, energy transition and industry

Being some 80 kilometres away from the Campos Basin, where offshore oil fields were discovered in the last four decades, allows Açu to offer a base for oil companies that is not only a port. A helicopter pad enables the rapid transport of people and light equipment to the oil platforms.

The large industrial area already hosts two flexible pipeline factories for deepwater oil exploration and extraction. A 1300 megawatt natural gas-fired thermal power plant is also operating in the area and another with a capacity of 1700 megawatts is under construction.

The president of the Port of Açu Operations, Eugenio Figueiredo. Credit: Mario Osava / IPS

Of the 130 square kilometres of the industrial port complex, 40 kilometres make up the Caruara Private Natural Heritage Reserve, the largest conservation area of restingas, a coastal ecosystem of sandy, not very fertile soils and low vegetation. The remaining 90 square kilometres are under port and industrial occupation, with 22 companies already installed.

The reserve was created after the company that owns it delimited the area of the port and industrial complex, with two objectives: the environmental protection of the restinga and, in the part closest to the urban centre, to prevent encroachment by the population.

The complex also aims at energy transition, initiated by the natural gas-fired power plants. Plans include the future production of green hydrogen, harnessing the great potential of photovoltaic and wind power generated in the sea near the coast, where favourable winds blow.

The increasingly large wind turbine blades will have to be manufactured locally, and space available for this industry is another advantage of the Açu complex, Figueiredo said.

The map shows the 130 square kilometres of the Açu Complex, with 40 kilometres in green representing the Caruara Reserve, a coastal ecosystem of sand, lagoons and low vegetation. The rest is destined for the port and the industries being installed in its logistic hub. Credit: Mario Osava / IPS

Logistical bottleneck

The port is now seeking to attract more agricultural exporters from the closest states, Minas Gerais and Goiás, already present since 2020. For this, Minas Port, one of the companies operating in the port, inaugurated on 4 July two warehouses with a capacity for 65,000 tonnes of grain.

“It is a super-port, with a fantastic terrain, successful in the export of iron ore and oil, and with a strategic location in the centre-east of Brazil, which demands large scale ports. But it has a fragility: its land connection”, said economist Claudio Frischtak, specialised in infrastructure and president of Inter.B Consultoría, interviewed in Rio de Janeiro.

The port is remote from major agro-export production regions and access roads are inadequate. Its future expansion depends on a railway connecting to the existing network of Brazil’s Vale group, the country’s largest iron ore exporter, which lies some 300 kilometres away, he said.

That distance could be more than halved if Vale builds an 80-kilometre section already agreed with the local government, and another 87-kilometre section under study.

But Prumo Logística, controlled by US fund EIG and owner of the port of Açu, is hoping that a railway will be built between Rio de Janeiro and Vitoria, the capital of the central-eastern state of Espírito Santo, which would reduce to 50 kilometres the stretch needed to connect the port to an extensive rail network, Figueiredo said.

Moreover, the success of the industrial project requires attracting investors, a difficult feat without “reasonable logistics”, with rail and good roads, said Alcimar Ribeiro, an economist and professor at the State University of Northern Rio de Janeiro (UENF).

Economic alternatives to the Açu complex are necessary because the Campos basin, a nearby source of oil, is already “mature”, with a declining production. “In 2010 it represented 87% of Brazilian oil production, today only 20%,” Ribeiro told IPS in São João da Barra.

Flexible pipes used in deep sea oil exploration, manufactured by the two industrial plants installed in the Açu Complex. Credit: Mario Osava / IPS

Far from local development

The area of influence of Açu, mainly São João da Barra, with its 36,573 inhabitants according to the 2022 census, and Campos dos Goitacazes, with 483,540 inhabitants, has been in economic decline for several decades, after the sugar cycle ended.

The port offers 7,000 direct jobs, including those of companies installed in the area, 80% of them to local workers, according to Caio Cunha, manager of Port Relations and the Caruara Reserve.

But most of them are temporary jobs, in the construction of port expansions and currently of the second thermoelectric plant, Ribeiro explained.

In addition, local employees are generally low-skilled, with outsiders being hired for more skilled jobs, says Sonia Ferreira, leader of the neighbourhood association SOS Atafona, a beach district in São João da Barra, which has lost more than 500 homes to erosion by the sea.

One positive effect of the port is that it has sparked young people’s interest in studying, she acknowledged. But she hopes the port will make structural investments in health, education and urban infrastructure, to effectively improve the quality of local life.

Caio Cunha, manager of Port Relations and the Caruara Reserve at the port of Açu. In the background, photos of native fruits. Credit: Mario Osava / IPS

The central problem is that the megaproject is “an enclave without social, political and economic interests in the surrounding territory, with no connection to local reality. It only lacks a wall to separate itself, having its own heliport, hotel and shopping mall, for its self-sufficiency”, said sociologist José Luis Vianna da Cruz.

Having automated operations, the port and the companies located here employ few workers, said this professor at the Fluminense Federal University with a doctorate in regional development, by phone with IPS from Campos.

The megaproject did increase tax revenues for local municipalities, but did not reduce poverty nor unemployment in the region.

Da Cruz also questions the number of jobs reported by the port – 7,000 – and argues they would not compensate for the unemployment caused by the expropriation of the land of 1,500 families who lived there to make way for the port and industrial complex.

Many of these families received less than fair compensation or are still fighting for their rights, he added.

The current owners of the port are not to blame. It was the Industrial Development Company of the State of Rio de Janeiro (Codin) which prepared the land where the port is located at the beginning of this century.

But the salinisation of lagoons and the water table, which affected farmers and even the water for urban consumption, was due to the improper disposal of mud removed for deepening the canal where 11 port terminals were installed, according to Da Cruz, author of several studies on the socio-environmental impacts of local projects.

Categories: Africa

AFGHANISTAN: ‘The Doha Meeting Has Raised Concerns the UN Is Indirectly Legitimising the Taliban’

Wed, 07/10/2024 - 05:22

By CIVICUS
Jul 10 2024 (IPS)

CIVICUS discusses the exclusion of women from international talks on Afghanistan currently being held in Qatar with Sima Samar, former chairperson of the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC). The AIHRC is the Afghan national institution devoted to the promotion, protection and monitoring of human rights. Its status is now a matter of contention: on returning to power, the Taliban decreed its dissolution, but the AIHRC refuses to abide by the decision due to the illegitimate nature of the Taliban regime.

Sima Samar
The meeting between the Taliban, envoys from up to 25 countries and other stakeholders being hosted by the United Nations (UN) in Doha, Qatar, has sparked an international outcry because Afghan women haven’t been invited. This is the third such meeting but the first to include the Taliban, who aren’t internationally recognised as Afghanistan’s rulers. Rights activists have criticised the UN’s approach, saying it gives legitimacy to the Taliban and betrays its commitment to women’s rights. They are calling for gender apartheid to be recognised as an international crime and for sanctions to be imposed on those responsible.

What’s the purpose and relevance of the third Doha meeting on Afghanistan?

The third Doha meeting was convened following a UN Security Council resolution that mandated an independent assessment of the situation in Afghanistan, with the aim of facilitating Afghanistan’s reintegration into the international community and the UN. The appointed independent expert, a former Turkish diplomat, conducted a comprehensive assessment. While it acknowledged the Taliban’s human rights violations, particularly against women, it did not sufficiently address issues such as the persecution of minorities and the erosion of democratic processes.

The UN sees these meetings as part of a plan for a peaceful Afghanistan that respects human rights, particularly for women and girls, and is integrated into the global community. But the decision to exclude women from these critical discussions is deeply contradictory. By accepting the Taliban’s conditions for participation in the talks, the UN is undermining its commitment to promoting inclusivity and gender equality.

Why are rights groups criticising the meeting and what are their demands?

Rights groups have been highly critical of the UN’s approach to the meeting for a number of reasons. First, they have condemned the exclusion of women from the main discussions. This exclusion directly contradicted the UN’s commitment to gender mainstreaming and its resolutions advocating women’s participation in peace processes. Second, there was a significant lack of transparency about the agenda and proceedings of the meetings, particularly the separate women’s session that followed the main discussions. This opacity fuelled concerns about the effectiveness and sincerity of the engagement.

Critics say the meeting focused mainly on economic issues, ignoring important discussions on human rights and women’s rights. This has raised concerns the UN is indirectly legitimising the Taliban’s harsh policies. Rights groups want future meetings to be inclusive and transparent and ensure women’s voices are heard. They want the UN to stick to its rules and not agree to demands that violate human rights.

What’s the situation of Afghan women under the Taliban?

Since the Taliban came back to power, the situation for women in Afghanistan has deteriorated dramatically. Women have been almost completely removed from public life, allowed to work only in very limited fields such as health and primary education, and then only under strict conditions.

Afghanistan is the only country in the world that prohibits girls beyond 11 to 12 years old from receiving education. Even below that level, there are severe restrictions, including the imposition of the hijab on young girls and a curriculum increasingly focused on religious instruction, which threatens to radicalise the next generation.

Women working in any capacity face severe economic discrimination. Their salaries are capped at unsustainable levels, making it impossible for them to live independently. When female health workers went on strike over these unfair conditions, the Ministry of Public Health refused to engage in dialogue.

The Taliban’s systematic discrimination places women in an inferior position in all aspects of life, from education to employment, perpetuating a cycle of oppression and marginalisation. There is an obvious gap between the goals of the Doha meeting, which aim to achieve a peaceful Afghanistan with human rights for women and girls, and the harsh realities faced by Afghan women under Taliban rule.

What should the international community do to support Afghan women?

To support women’s rights in Afghanistan, the international community must take a firm stand against the Taliban’s policies.

First, the Taliban should not be recognised as a legitimate government until they comply with international human rights standards, including those relating to women’s rights. Second, existing sanctions against the Taliban should be strengthened to pressure them to comply with human rights norms. Third, the international community should hold the Taliban accountable for their crimes, including rights violations against women, through legal mechanisms and continuous advocacy.

The plight of Afghan women is not just a national issue, but a global one that affects the stability and peace of the entire region. Ignoring women’s suffering will only perpetuate conflict and undermine efforts to achieve sustainable peace and development. The international community has a moral obligation to ensure the protection of Afghan women’s rights and uphold the principles of justice and equality in any engagement with the Taliban.

What should be done to ensure women are included in future talks on Afghanistan?

To ensure the inclusion of women in future international talks, it is essential that their participation is mandated at every stage of the dialogue process. Women must be at the table for all discussions, as their exclusion fundamentally undermines the legitimacy and effectiveness of the talks.

The international community should strongly reject any conditions set by the Taliban that violate human rights principles, particularly those that exclude women. Transparency is also crucial. Agendas and outcomes of meetings should be openly shared to ensure inclusiveness and accountability.

Civic space in Afghanistan is rated ‘closed’ by the CIVICUS Monitor.

Get in touch with the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission through its website or Facebook page, and follow @AfghanistanIHRC and @DrSimasamar on Twitter.

Categories: Africa

The Winds of War

Wed, 07/10/2024 - 04:44

The aftermath of a missile strike on the center of Kyiv. July 2024. Credit: UNICEF Ukraine

By James E. Jennings
ATLANTA, Georgia, Jul 10 2024 (IPS)

Herman Wouk’s 1971 novel The Winds of War traced the romance, bravery, fear, and faith required for American youths to join the military, deploy to the war zones, and confront the mighty Axis threat in the lead-up to WW II. It later became a dramatic TV series.

Today multitudes around the world are increasingly affected by ongoing conflicts, or are living in societies so disordered that they might even welcome war as a solution to their problems.

The news on just one day in June 2024 was not reassuring: The US and NATO agreed to unleash Ukraine to attack Russia; Israel thumbed its nose at American demands to end its genocidal war in Gaza; Hezbollah bombarded northern Israel for the umpteenth time and Israel reciprocated.

Yemen exchanged missile attacks with US warships in the Red Sea; while Israel and Iran engaged in slinging hundreds of Intercontinental ballistic missiles at each other.

Meanwhile, China announced that any attempt to award sovereignty to Taiwan would receive a strong military response. Only a few days later on July 4 at Astana in Kazakhstan, Russia and China convened a bloc of their Eurasian allies for the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to stake out a policy of resistance to Euro-American control of the world economy.

Equally sobering, Japan and the Philippines have just initiated a defense alliance that echoes Japan’s security zone posture in WW II. All these moves signify that the great powers are indeed readying for war.

Elsewhere major regional wars in Sudan and Congo are ongoing; Haiti is in bloody chaos, and the same is true of several countries in West Africa, namely Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, which recently formed the Alliance of Sahel States to oppose the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

Political destabilization within nations is in the balance everywhere, from Myanmar and Bangladesh to Europe and Latin America, with an astounding political division in the United States as well. What could possibly go wrong?

The real problem in America and the West is one of cultural fatigue, with a lack of clear focus on what course to follow, as we had in both World Wars and the Cold War. A “War to End Wars,” like the WW I rallying cry, would not fly today.

Neither would “Make the World Safe for Democracy” as both world wars aimed to do; or “Better Dead than Red,” the slogan of the Cold War. Instead, it’s “Ho-hum, another war.” Not very inspiring.

The Ostrich is famous for sticking its head in the sand when danger approaches. With wars simmering all around, Americans may be practicing that same tactic. There was a disquieting moment at the June 6 D-Day ceremony in Normandy commemorating the 80th anniversary of the allied assault on the Nazi defenses during WW II.

In her prayer, US Army Chaplain Karen Meeker gave thanks for those who sacrificed their lives and blessed the surviving heroes at the ceremony, but also used an ominous phrase: “As war clouds gather….”

Does she know something the rest of us don’t? Probably so, and it is disquieting. War clouds are indeed gathering. All we need to do is pay attention to the news, listen to the statements of key leaders of many of the great powers, and read the headlines. It is hard to miss the central theme: that the world is becoming more and more ungovernable.

At a conference in Tallinn, Estonia during May, Yale Historian Timothy Snyder suggested that the present time reminds him of Europe in 1938, just before the start of WW II. That should frighten everybody. His warning means that unless something extraordinary prevents it, an expanding, generalized conflict may lie ahead.

Among today’s most urgent problems are the ongoing genocidal war in Gaza, the bloody and seemingly endless Russia-Ukraine War, and regional wars in Sudan, Congo, and Myanmar.

The growing East-West economic divide and the North-South poverty gap appear intractable. If these conflicts expand, global civilization is facing a world of hurt.

Maybe that’s why a tough guy image like that cultivated by our more pugnacious presidents like Andrew Jackson and Teddy Roosevelt remains so appealing today, along with a larger than life “John Wayne” type of fictional character. However, it’s never that simple, and there is always a price to be paid.

Roosevelt’s son Quentin died in the very war his father advocated so fiercely. The Greek historian Herodotus recorded the sage but painful observation that, “In times of peace, sons bury their fathers; in times of war, fathers bury their sons.”

What then is to be done? Perhaps the US could start by ending support for the blood-lust killing of so many defenseless civilians in Gaza. All it would take is for President Biden to have the guts to say no to an ally and mean it. On Taiwan vs. China and Iran vs. Israel and the US, why not sit and talk with our adversaries?

That simple tactic has worked before. Why not at least start a meaningful peace process in Sudan and Congo? It may take a long time, but peace is always better than war.

At the US Academics for Peace conferences we convened in Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Sudan over the decades before and after the US invasion of Iraq, we advocated the principle that dialogue is essential or conflict is inevitable.

Why not try? It might work.

James E. Jennings, PhD is President of Conscience International and Executive Director of US Academics for Peace.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

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