By External Source
Jul 3 2020 (IPS-Partners)
Dr David Nabarro is a Special Envoy of World Health Organization Director-General on COVID-19, Co-Director of the Imperial College Institute of Global Health Innovation at the Imperial College London and Strategic Director of 4SD. His Narratives are being written with the 4SD team to help readers to make sense of the fast-evolving pandemic and its multiple consequences and to identify the questions to consider when making decisions about measures to contain and suppress outbreaks. They provide readers with insight from David’s leadership and continuous learning, as a public health and development professional with over 40 years’ experience across many countries and contexts, as we navigate this complex, multi-faceted crisis.
Video production: A very special thanks to Arti Jain, BJ Golnick, Jeffrey Daniels, Derek Owen, Undivided Attention, Brothers Golnick Productions.
The COVID-19 pandemic is a global emergency caused by a new coronavirus that requires a coordinated global response. Large-scale outbreaks have led to many needing hospital-care. As health care workers are struggling to cope with the rapidly accelerating demands on them whilst trying to keep themselves safe, hospitals are quickly overwhelmed.
Extraordinary efforts are underway to limit outbreaks by interrupting transmission from person to person. This involves detecting and isolating those with the disease, so they are not able to infect others. Small outbreaks require prompt action at the community level and are much easier to suppress than those that have become intense with widespread community transmission.
If outbreaks are being detected early through community-level public health action, lockdowns will be a short and sharp shock to society. Containing larger outbreaks may call for several weeks of enforced physical distancing and varying degrees of lockdown: this will lead to a longer and more drawn-out process. All of these challenges provoke strains in our systems: stress among staff, personal anxiety, financial challenges and logistical difficulties. All will need to be relieved.
While containment of COVID-19 requires that people the world over physically distance themselves from each other, social cohesion and connectedness are more important than ever to ensure that we come together to be part of the response.
Source: 4SD Sustainable Development
The post How do we get out of lockdown? appeared first on Inter Press Service.
Studies have shown that the longer a girl stays in school, the less likely she is to be forced into child marriage. With many schools currently shut down and girls are not going to school, an increase in child marriage is expected. Credit: Ahmed Osman/IPS
By Samira Sadeque
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 3 2020 (IPS)
An additional 5.6 million child marriages can be expected because of the coronavirus pandemic, which resulted in a short-term increase in poverty and the shutdown of schools.
The current pandemic is also expected to have a massive impact on the projected growth of harmful practices on women’s bodies.
According to a recent report released by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), titled “Against My Will: State of World Population 2020”, an additional two million cases of female genital mutilation (FGM) will occur by 2030.
“A big protective factor in preventing child marriage is education,” Richard Kollodge, Senior Editorial Adviser of the report, told IPS. “Studies have shown that the longer a girl stays in school, the less likely she is to be forced into child marriage. [Now] if schools are shut down and girls are not going to school, that’s a loss of a protective factor and that could contribute to an increase in child marriages.”
Other contributing factors include people’s inability to go to work, which in turn is affecting livelihoods. In such circumstances, some parents might feel encouraged to marry off their daughter as it’s one less mouth to feed or because they believe it might be safer, Kollodge said.
It is significant then that this year UNFPA began its 10-year agenda to end harmful practices by 2030 in every country. IPS spoke with Tharanga Godallage, a results-based management advisor at UNFPA, on how the current pandemic affects this agenda and how it exacerbates the crises of FGM and child marriage across the world.
Tharanga Godallage, a results-based management advisor at UNFPA.
Inter Press Service (IPS): You report says, “Getting to zero harmful practices will require much faster progress. It demands a society-wide effort, where everyone who has a role in stopping these practices steps up to do so.” What steps can different actors in a society take to address this issue?
Tharanga Godallage (TG): The “harmful practices” are a multi-stakeholder commitment because no single stakeholder can solve this problem. It’s actually not only a country level problem — they exist across borders. For FGM in particular, cross-border stakeholder advocacy is really important.
In the eradication of FGM, and overall, the most important factor is strong political commitment from the government. The second one is law enforcement because we need to create new laws and policies if you really want to have sustained change.
The third one is the involvement of multiple ministries, because this is not a single-ministry show. The approach is to have the whole government involved.
Our observation and recommendation is to look at it in a more holistic way, especially the sustainable change.
There’s also the need for a change in social norms, which is the most critical and the most difficult as well. That’s why you need a huge advocacy campaign.
Social norm is the root cause of most of these cases, and that needs community level engagement, including leaders, who have a bigger role to play, and formal and informal community leaders.
And then there’s a socio-economic link to child marriage, and FGM, and son preference. We need to bring the policy makers and stakeholders together and have all these translated to policy change.
IPS: Your report says “If the pandemic causes a two-year delay in FGM-prevention programmes, researchers projected that two million female genital mutilation cases would occur over the next decade that would otherwise have been averted.” Can you break down how such a delay would lead to two million lives affected?
TG: Based on the historical trend and projections, we knew that the estimated FGM cases by 2030 without COVID-19 impact would be around 34 million.
Then we looked at the reduction of scale-up programmes and the new cases to determine how many cases those adjustments would lead to, and we projected 36 million.
Overall, this COVID-19 impact has been observed in two ways: one is the effect on scaling up prevention programmes, as we will not be able to do prevention programmes the way we planned, and then there might be new cases coming up on top of that.
IPS: What factors are you counting when accounting for this change in the projected number owing to COVID-19?
TG: The restrictions on group gatherings and travel have reduced availability of technical staff and delay of starting international programmes or prevention programmes.
The second one is economic impact. In the economic impact, according to the data we found, there was a 10 percent reduction on GDP overall and then because of the GDP [drop] there was an increase in poverty.
Usually we know increased poverty has 32 percent impact on child marriage, it’s very closely related. Hence, because of the economic factor, and the short-term poverty increase because of COVID-19 that was factored into the modelling, there will now be an additional 5.6 million child marriages.
IPS: Your report says “Ending harmful practices by 2030 in every country and community—an objective of UNFPA, will require rapid changes in mindsets that still sanction violence against women and girls and deny their rights and bodily autonomy.” How has this target been affected by the pandemic, and how do you aim to go forward in these circumstances?
TG: So far we have done our internal analysis of overall challenges. So, community mobilisation related research is going to be a very big challenge especially as we are trying to see how to [address that], especially the commitments relating to community mobilisation like social norms change and the comprehensive sexual education programmes (i.e.informal education). Those kinds of programmes will be heavily affected, and data generation is going to be a challenge.
People are used to the new normal now and people have come up with alternative strategies: call centres, telemedicine, and e-meetings. These are new innovative alternatives so maybe over time we might come to a new normal in our approaches to address these issues.
Related ArticlesThe post Q&A: Child Marriage, FGM and Harmful Practices on Women’s Bodies to Increase Because of COVID-19 appeared first on Inter Press Service.
Hanna Tetteh. Credit: Africa Renewal
By Kingsley Ighobor
Jul 3 2020 (IPS)
Hanna Tetteh is the United Nations Under-Secretary-General and Special Representative of the Secretary-General to the African Union.
As head of the UN Office to the African Union (UNOAU), she spoke with Africa Renewal’s Kingsley Ighobor on, among other issues, the current state of the UN-AU partnership and how women and young people can help resolve conflict.
Excerpts from the interview*:
How is the partnership between the United Nations and Africa Union going?
There are currently three partnerships between the UN and the AU: There’s the Partnership on Africa’s Integration and Development Agenda (PAIDA), one on Peace and Security, and another on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the African Union’s Agenda 2063.
A fourth partnership framework, on human rights, has been negotiated but not yet signed. The partnership that’s largely implemented by the UNOAU is the one on peace and security, and it plays to the strength of the AU because it has been more successful so far as a political organization than as an economic integration organization. We do common analyses and take common positions, and we have achieved progress.
What are some of the challenges or opportunities in the UN-AU partnership?
With every partnership, you’re not going to agree on every issue. But we have had more consensus than disagreements. We worked closely together, and with IGAD [Intergovernmental Authority on Development in Eastern Africa], to help resolve the second round of conflict in South Sudan. That resulted in the establishment of a new transitional government this year.
Last year, we worked together on the Central African Republic to negotiate a new peace agreement. We look forward to elections in that country later this year, assuming COVID-19 will allow. We support AMISOM [African Union Mission in Somalia].
The AU force is providing military support for the transition process. UNSOM [the UN Assistance Mission in Somalia] and AMISOM help with political engagement and logistics.
We have been challenged by the Libya process where the AU would like to be more proactive in resolving the conflict. Even then, we have made significant progress there following a peace summit in Berlin in January 2020.
Kingsley Ighobor
How is COVID-19 impacting peace and security in Africa?Countries in conflict already have infrastructure and resource challenges: inadequate healthcare facilities and low number of medical personnel, and so on. And then COVID-19 arrived on our doorsteps. In addition, most African countries, in conflict or not, have large informal economies wherein if people don’t work in a day, they can’t feed themselves.
So, lockdowns have put a strain on people’s lives, especially those in the informal sector. In countries with elections coming up, the pandemic is challenging because the virus is passed through human contact, which happens at campaign events. We have about 15 or so more elections to go this year, and appropriate healthcare protocols will be needed to protect people.
Could post-COVID-19 recovery be an opportunity for Africa to build back better?
Yes, but it will depend on the policy choices member states make, as well as the resources available to them. A few countries are middle income countries—higher middle-income or lower middle-income. Those countries have the resilience and the resources to undertake prevention, response and recovery measures.
But the LDCs [Least Developed Countries], whose economies are much more fragile, will need a lot of preparedness to develop appropriate policy responses that don’t require a huge outlay of resources. The international development community can help such countries build back better.
Is there a role for pan-African institutions such as the AU in building back better?
As I mentioned, the AU has been more of a political organization than an economic organization. But its development agency [African Union Development Agency (AUDA-NEPAD)] and other pan-African institutions such as the African Development Bank and, on the UN side, the Economic Commission for Africa, can help countries develop policy responses.
How is the Silencing the Guns 2020 campaign going?
‘Silencing the Guns 2020’ is the theme of the AU for this year, which is why it’s getting a lot of attention. But the Silencing the Guns campaign started in 2013, on the 50th anniversary of the AU [formerly, the Organisation of African Unity]. The idea was to accelerate efforts at ending conflicts through mediation.
In some cases, as with South Sudan, progress has been made. In others, as with the Sahel, we haven’t made the desired progress. We also see that conflict is spreading to other countries outside of Mali—Niger and Burkina Faso being the most vulnerable lately. I don’t think we can silence all the guns this year because of all the challenges, but it is a valid aspiration.
What more work can be done to silence the guns in Africa?
There needs to be an acceleration of mediation efforts. It is not easy to mediate in the way in which we are having this conversation [via video link]. When you want to bring political actors and communities together, you organize face-to-face discussions that enable people to come to agreements, and then you support them to implement such agreements. COVID-19 is challenging that kind of support and intervention.
Do you envision an Africa without war?
There is potential because the last two or three decades have witnessed considerable political progress and economic growth, and several conflicts have ended. But we need to look beyond simply ending conflicts to addressing the root causes of conflicts.
And the root causes of conflict lie in bad governance which creates inequalities and does not promote growth and development. It’s important that we realise that peace is not a state that once achieved, can be taken for granted.
Even countries that are relatively stable need conditions that help consolidate and enhance peace and stability—good governance, inclusiveness, strong institutions, the rule of law, etc.
Is Africa moving in the right direction, considering there are more democracies today than, say, 20 years ago?
The fact that we have more democracies today than previously is a good sign. But regular elections in and of themselves do not mean democracy. Democracy is about respect for human rights, good governance, responsive institutions that people can interact with, including a framework for the protection of stability through law and order, so people can go about their daily lives and achieve their dreams and their aspirations.
How is COVID-19 affecting refugees, migrants and internally displaced persons in Africa?
In some instances, the pandemic has worsened the situation. As cases increased in some countries, the response has been to deport irregular migrants. And in the refugee camps, especially in areas in conflict or coming out of conflict, it’s been difficult to prevent the spread of COVID-19.
The IOM [International Organisation for Migration] has urged countries to respect the rights of refugees and to provide necessary facilities that safeguard them from the disease. The IOM also called for a halt to the deportation of irregular migrants at this time of COVID-19.
From a peace and security perspective, what are the challenges that may impede successful implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA)?
The challenge for AfCFTA is not so much peace and security; it’s concluding negotiations for the rules of origin. It is also ensuring the agreement is implemented in a way that benefits economies. Because, remember, the AfCFTA is a very ambitious experiment to encourage trade among African nations. Some countries may lose customs revenues, and so those countries need to see the benefits of free trade.
What are your views on the role of women in peace and security in Africa?
Unfortunately, women are not included enough, and that needs to be addressed. Creating lasting peace and security in countries or communities in conflict involves negotiating a peace agreement and a process of reconciliation—that involves men and women. In situations where you are trying to rebuild communities, it requires the participation of the entirety of the community to make sure that the peace is consolidated.
The UN has supported the AU’s project of developing a cohort of female mediators—FemWise Africa—for deployment in countries to ensure more women and young people are brought into the processes of mediation and peacebuilding.
Do young people have a role to play in conflict prevention, possibly resolution?
Absolutely. You can’t build peace without encouraging young people to be part of the peacebuilding process. They are the ones recruited as irregular fighters. You have to think about disarmament, demobilization and reintegration into communities. You make sure they don’t have the incentive to be part of organizations that terrorize communities. You want them to be part of the productive economy.
What is your message to Africans in these trying times?
We are a very strong and resilient continent. We have been through difficult times before. We have more democracies now and we’ve also seen economic growth. We need to be engaged in rebuilding our countries and creating an inclusive platform for integration.
We are a continent of multiple ethnicities, and our diversity should be our strength. In the same way we condemn acts of discrimination in other parts of the world, we should not discriminate amongst ourselves on the basis of ethnicity. That’s an important aspect to promote our growth and development and to strengthen peace.
*This interview was originally published in Africa Renewal—a UN publication focusing on African news and analysis. www.un.org/africarenewal.
Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
The post Beyond Ending Conflict in Africa, We Must Tackle its Root Causes appeared first on Inter Press Service.
Excerpt:
Kingsley Ighobor, Africa Renewal*, in an interview with Hanna Tetteh, Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General to the African Union
The post Beyond Ending Conflict in Africa, We Must Tackle its Root Causes appeared first on Inter Press Service.
A record 53.6 million tonnes (Mt) of e-waste was produced globally in 2019,
the weight of 350 cruise ships the size of the Queen Mary 2;
$57 billion in gold and other components discarded - mostly dumped or burned
By External Source
Jul 2 2020 (IPS-Partners)
A record 53.6 million metric tonnes (Mt) of electronic waste was generated worldwide in 2019, up 21 per cent in just five years, according to the UN’s Global E-waste Monitor 2020.
The new report also predicts global e-waste — discarded products with a battery or plug — will reach 74 Mt by 2030, almost a doubling of e-waste in just 16 years. This makes e-waste the world’s fastest-growing domestic waste stream, fueled mainly by higher consumption rates of electric and electronic equipment, short life cycles, and few options for repair.
Only 17.4 per cent of 2019’s e-waste was collected and recycled. This means that gold, silver, copper, platinum and other high-value, recoverable materials conservatively valued at US $57 billion — a sum greater than the Gross Domestic Product of most countries – were mostly dumped or burned rather than being collected for treatment and reuse.
According to the report, Asia generated the greatest volume of e-waste in 2019, some 24.9 Mt, followed by the Americas (13.1 Mt) and Europe (12 Mt), while Africa and Oceania generated 2.9 Mt and 0.7 Mt respectively.
For perspective, last year’s e-waste weighed substantially more than all the adults in Europe, or as much as 350 cruise ships the size of the Queen Mary 2, enough to form a line 125 km long.
E-waste is a health and environmental hazard, containing toxic additives or hazardous substances such as mercury, which damages the human brain and / or coordination system.
Other key findings from the Global E-waste Monitor 2020:
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The Global E-waste Monitor 2020 (www.globalewaste.org) is a collaborative product of the Global E-waste Statistics Partnership (GESP), formed by UN University (UNU), the International Telecommunication Union (ITU), and the International Solid Waste Association (ISWA), in close collaboration with the UN Environment Programme (UNEP). The World Health Organization (WHO) and the German Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) also substantially contributed to this year’s Global E-waste Monitor 2020.
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Comments
“The findings of this year’s UNU-affiliated Global E-waste Monitor suggest that humanity is not sufficiently implementing the SDGs. Substantially greater efforts are urgently required to ensure smarter and more sustainable global production, consumption, and disposal of electrical and electronic equipment. This report contributes mightily to the sense of urgency in turning around this dangerous global pattern.”
– David M. Malone, Rector United Nations University (UNU) & UN Under Secretary General
“Far more electronic waste is generated than is being safely recycled in most parts of the world. More cooperative efforts are required to make aware of this increasing issue and take appropriate countermeasures supplement by appropriate research and training. I am pleased that UNITAR now joins this important Global E-waste Statistics Partnership of UNU, ITU and ISWA, illustrating how valuable these activities are.”
– Nikhil Seth, Executive Director, United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR) & UN Assistant Secretary-General
”The Global E-waste Monitor highlights the pressing issue of e-waste management in today’s digitally connected world in that the way we produce, consume, and dispose of electronic devices has become unsustainable. Monitoring e-waste streams will contribute to the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals and tracking the implementation of the ITU Connect 2030 Agenda. The Monitor serves as a valuable resource for governments to improve their global e-waste recycling rate by developing the necessary/needed/required e-waste policies and legislation. ITU will continue to support the efforts made in this report towards the global response required in identifying solutions for e-waste.”
– Doreen Bogdan-Martin, Director, Telecommunication Development Bureau, International Telecommunication Union (ITU)
“E-waste quantities are rising 3 times faster than the world’s population and 13 per cent faster than the world’s GDP during the last five years. This sharp rise creates substantial environmental and health pressures and demonstrates the urgency to combine the fourth industrial revolution with circular economy. The fourth industrial revolution either will advance a new circular economy approach for our economies or it will stimulate further resource depletion and new pollution waves. The progress achieved in e-waste monitoring by the Global E-waste Statistics Partnership is a sign of hope that the world can manage not only to monitor closely the e-waste rise but also to control their impacts and set up proper management schemes”
– Antonis Mavropoulos, President, International Solid Waste Association (ISWA)
“Informal and improper e-waste recycling is a major emerging hazard silently affecting our health and that of future generations. One in four children are dying from avoidable environmental exposures. One in four children could be saved, if we take action to protect their health and ensure a safe environment. WHO is pleased to join forces in this new Global E-waste Monitor to allow evidence, information about health impacts and joint solutions and policies to be made available to protect our future generations’ health.”
– Maria Neira, Director, Environment, Climate Change and Health Department, World Health Organization (WHO)
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Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
The post Global E-waste Surging: Up 21% in 5 Years appeared first on Inter Press Service.
Excerpt:
A record 53.6 million tonnes (Mt) of e-waste was produced globally in 2019,
the weight of 350 cruise ships the size of the Queen Mary 2;
$57 billion in gold and other components discarded - mostly dumped or burned
The post Global E-waste Surging: Up 21% in 5 Years appeared first on Inter Press Service.
The textile industry in Pakistan, the largest manufacturing industry in the country, had been producing at full capacity this February. Prior to the worldwide coronavirus lockdown the government had lifted taxes and duties on the import of cotton. Currently thousands of garment and textile workers have been laid off and factory production has almost halted. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS
By Samira Sadeque
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 2 2020 (IPS)
Unless there is a restructuring of debt for developing countries, the servicing for this debt will take away valuable resources from these nations that are needed to prevent the further suffering of people during the coronavirus pandemic — particularly with regards to safeguarding the health systems, and protecting the “integrity and resilience of economies”.
This is according to Bogolo Joy Kenewendo, former minister of trade of Botswana, who was speaking to IPS on Wednesday, Jul. 1, after a roundtable discussion at the United Nations over the post-lockdown economy.
In order to prevent economies of developing countries from suffering disproportionately under the current pandemic, it’s crucial that there’s less protectionist thinking and that developed countries approach the economic downturn through means that empower developing countries, said Kenewendo, who is also a former member of the U.N. secretary-general’s high level digital cooperation panel.
“What’s important is that we have debt freeze and restructuring immediately, particularly for the developing countries because our resources are currently on so much pressure with the demand for social welfare to be extended, subsidies to be extended and then having some infrastructure needing to be put in place and paying interest on loans’.
“[This is] really putting a lot of pressure on the fiscal positions of many developing countries,” she told IPS.
At the roundtable titled “Rebirthing the Global Economy to deliver Sustainable Development”, numerous distinguished female leaders spoke on the issue, reiterating solutions that focused on how to accommodate the needs of developing countries.
Vera Songwe, executive secretary of the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa, shared an incisive analysis on the importance of removing intermediary parties from trade exchanges during the discussion.
She stated that one of United States tech company, Apple’s, main imports is cotton. However, 80 percent of cotton imports are from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), which is in a debt crisis.
“The DRC sells cotton at $40 – $80, [but] on the market cotton goes for $400,” she said, adding that one priority for the next steps should be to brainstorm ways in which intermediation can be reduced.
“My posit for trade and the new trade environment is that we do everything we can to take away every intermediary that exists between the original product and the end product,” she said.
Kate Raworth, the senior visiting research associate at Oxford University’s Environmental Change Institute, brought up the “ecological debt” that high-income countries owe to low-income countries.
She said this kind of debt is much longer term, claiming that advanced regions such as Europe and countries such as the United Kingdom, Canada, U.S. and Japan are living “beyond planetary impact”.
“We are destroying the climate system, we are destroying the ecological system, and that is the debt we owe to the lowest income countries of the world because we are undermining all prospects of development for them,” she said in an impassioned speech.
“They will have no fertile soils, no monsoon rains, no stable climate and they will have no capacity to develop.”
Kenewendo told IPS that this is also a matter of the “capital flight” to developed countries that takes place during a crisis.
“The real issue is that there’s a lot of [foreign direct investment] FDI that has been attracted to developing countries and emerging markets,” she said.
“And when there is such a crisis, you find this capital flight back to developed countries or to the west.”
This, she said, means the manufacturing income that developing economies had expected earnings from will suddenly be redirected to developed countries.
“And it’s mainly because during a crisis, people look at the political and economic stability of economies and it might be found that in Africa, for example, our political instability becomes a problem,” Kenewendo said.
These kinds of protectionist policies can really harm low-income or developing countries, and thus advocates suggest that not taking a “beggar thy neighbour” approach that only makes it less efficient.
“Those kind of ‘inward-looking’ policies make the situation more difficult for everybody and they deepen and prolong the crisis for the global economy,” Kenewendo said, adding that it’s crucial that free flow of capital is maintained and a trading relation is established rather than an aid-based relation.
She further noted the importance of digitalisation that the pandemic has highlighted and said it has a massive role to play in our economies going forward.
“Digitalisation is not all about being online, but it’s also about using the mobile technology resources that exist in order to ensure a much broader level of inclusivity in its delivery,” she said.
Citing Songwe’s example, Kenewendo said that in the conversation about reform, it’s key to ensure that “we are incentivising and stimulating investment”.
“It’s very important that we provide capacity for countries to tap into domestic capital and to also make sure that we’re safeguarding [small and medium-sized enterprises] SMEs and the resiliency of the informal sector,” she said.
Related ArticlesThe post Global Economic Recovery must Prioritise Restructuring of Debt for Developing Countries appeared first on Inter Press Service.
By Jomo Kwame Sundaram and Wan Manan Muda
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Jul 2 2020 (IPS)
The Covid-19 crisis has had several unexpected effects, including renewed attention to food security concerns. Earlier understandings of food security in terms of production self-sufficiency have given way to importing supplies since late 20th century promotion of trade liberalization.
Jomo Kwame Sundaram
Transnational food business
Disruption of transnational food supply chains and the devastation of many vulnerable livelihoods by policy responses to the Covid-19 pandemic have revived interest in earlier understandings of food self-sufficiency. But, even if successful, winding back policy will not address more recently recognized food challenges such as malnutrition and safety.
All too many food researchers have been successfully compromised, e.g., with generous research and travel funding, by food and beverage businesses to discourage criticisms of their lucrative business practices.
It is important for authorities to make sure that food is produced safely for consumers. The authorities should not only be concerned when food exports are blocked by foreign importers for failing to meet phyto-sanitary standards.
Is food safe for consumption? Are toxic agro-chemicals putting consumers at risk? Are anti-biotics, used for animal breeding, putting animal and human health at risk of antimicrobial resistance? Are food processing practices compromising consumers’ nutrition?
Malnutrition threat looming larger
The world has to deal with three major types of malnutrition, i.e., dietary energy undernourishment, or hunger; ‘hidden hunger’, due to micronutrient deficiencies of vitamins, minerals and trace elements; and diet-related non-communicable diseases (NCDs).
Many of the poor typically lack means to improve their condition, with the poorest often lethargic, due to not getting enough to eat, or not being able to gain sufficient nourishment from food due to gastrointestinal diseases, typically due to poor sanitation and hygiene.
Although hunger and starvation have reportedly been declining in recent decades, dietary energy undernourishment has been falling more slowly than poverty although the poverty line is supposedly defined by an income level to avoid hunger.
The nutrition situation in the world remains worrying as other manifestations of malnutrition — including stunting, obesity, diabetes and anaemia — have been growing, or declining slowly at best, according to available official evidence.
Micronutrient deficiencies
Micronutrient deficiencies threaten human health and wellbeing, but rarely get much public policy attention. ‘Hidden hunger’ is due to diets lacking essential micronutrients — vitamins, minerals, trace elements — vital for the body to develop and function well.
Wan Manan Muda
Insufficient vitamin A, iron, calcium and zinc seem to be the major micronutrient deficiencies of public health importance. All too many people are anaemic, with especially serious consequences for women of reproductive age.
In many countries, iodine deficiencies have been successfully tackled by iodizing salt, while vitamin A is typically tackled with costly supplements for children under five. Such hidden hunger is usually better addressed by dietary diversity to consume food with the needed micronutrients.
Biofortification can help, but for this to work well, close collaboration is needed between nutritionists and dieticians on the one hand, and scientists working to improve food crops and animal-source foods on the other.
Child undernutrition
Most parents are not aware that the ‘first 1000 days’, from conception until the child is two, is most critical for child development. Maternal and infant malnutrition start during pregnancy, especially with pregnant mothers suffering micronutrient deficiencies or diet-related NCDs.
We can and must do much more to enable and promote ‘exclusive breastfeeding’ for the first six months of every child’s life. Various work and maternity leave arrangements as well as childcare facilities should be made available to enable widespread adoption of such practices.
While international measures suggest that wasting, stunting and underweight among children are declining all too slowly, child undernutrition remains high, with national shares still rising in many, including middle income countries.
Child stunting not only adversely effects children’s physical development, but also their cognitive development. How can societies and economies progress if future generations continue to be handicapped from the outset.
Non-communicable diseases
The crises of obesity, diabetes and other diet-related NCDs in middle income countries remains alarming, with NCDs among the leading causes of premature death and disability. The prevalence of overweight, obesity, diabetes and related morbidities has increased in most countries.
Overweight and obesity are risk factors for NCDs, such as diabetes, cardiovascular diseases and cancers, which reduce the quality of life and productivity, unnecessarily raising health costs, both private and public.
Often, people are not aware of the consequences of eating much more carbohydrates, calories or ‘dietary energy’ than they normally use or need. Over-eating — often wrongly termed over-nutrition or over-nourishment — often leads to diet-related NCDs and their consequences.
Various non-infectious diseases are due to what we have eaten or drunk in excess, especially processed sugars. Excessive consumption of ‘starchy’ foods or carbohydrates raises blood sugar levels which cause diabetes and other problems including excessive weight gain. Thus, sugar ‘addiction’ directly contributes to various malnutrition problems.
Meanwhile, excessive salt consumption contributes to hypertension or ‘high blood pressure’ which, in turn, causes various other health problems. Meanwhile, deep fried food has become the most popular type of ‘fast food’, concealing possible staleness or even ‘rotting’, as more prepared meals are increasingly purchased and consumed, not prepared at home.
Balanced, healthy diets
The consequences of not eating properly need to be widely understood. Healthy eating requires dietary diversity. Healthy diets should be adequately diverse, to ensure consumption of various foods. Consuming a variety of nutritious foods can supply all the nutrients people need.
We all need macronutrients (carbohydrates, protein, fats), without overeating staples like rice or bread, or fatty, sugary and salty food, and micronutrients, especially vitamins and minerals.
Governments, employers, family and peer pressure can help encourage better eating. Food regulations and meal arrangements can thus improve eating practices, behaviour and habits.
When people better understand the effects of their food behaviour, and have relevant, easily comprehensible and actionable knowledge and information, many will try to improve their food behaviour. But misleading ‘information’ from food and beverage companies and advertising firms is widespread and influential in popular culture.
The problem is made worse by popular, even iconic figures who dispense misleading ideas, even half-truths, as part of their own discourses and narratives, often without meaning to do harm, but as part of their own efforts to gain or retain popularity, legitimacy and authority.
Various media and popular culture — at the workplace, at worship and at home — as well as peers, family and friends greatly influence food behaviours. Women, typically the main caregivers, are particularly important, often choosing the food purchased, prepared and consumed.
Transforming food systems
Food systems need to be repurposed to better produce and supply safe and nutritious food. Ensuring that food systems improve nutrition is not just a matter of increasing production. The entire ‘nutrition value chain’ — from farm to fork, from production to consumption — needs to be considered to ensure the food system better feeds the population.
Food systems have to improve production practices, post-harvest processing and consumption behaviour. Resource use and abuse as well as environmental damage due to food production and consumption need to be addressed to ensure sustainable food systems.
Governments must realize that improving nutrition is crucial for economic and social progress. No country can achieve and sustain development with a malnourished population. Without healthy people, future productivity and progress will be severely compromised.
Good nutrition and food safety are necessary for healthy societies and future progress. Governments should use the Covid-19 induced reconsideration of food security in relation to supply chains to better address malnutrition and safety issues.
Food security initiatives prompted by pandemic considerations should promote food system changes that will encourage more sustainable and healthy diets. This opportunity to strengthen food systems must also prioritize nutrition, food safety and dietary diversity.
Professor Wan Manan Muda is Visiting Professor at Alma Ata University in Jogjakarta, Indonesia. He was Professor of Public Health and Nutrition at Universiti Sains Malaysia, and long active in Malaysian university reform efforts.
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Economic activity in Benin. Credit: @UNDPBenin
By Ahunna Eziakonwa
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 2 2020 (IPS)
1 July 2020 was supposed to be the official date to start trading under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). It was a much-anticipated follow up to the 2019 African Union Summit, that launched the operational phase of the AfCFTA in a colorful ceremony in Niamey – Niger.
The world was watching as Africa purposely marched on in its drive for integration.
We had grown accustomed to the projections – that intra-African trade – standing at about 18 per cent (in 2019) – will double by 2040.
We knew the projections were an understatement – for their focus on trade in goods alone – amidst a highly informal African marketplace, of thriving but un-captured trade at borderlands, and a vibrant services sector.
And so, we started to look at bringing the promise to life. At UNDP, based on consultations with key stakeholders, thanks to our presence on the ground in 54 African countries, we focused on enabling environments and productive capacities for women and youth as a central piece of our Renewed Strategic Offer in Africa – shaping a signature initiative on women and youth in the AfCFTA.
We, like others, were exuberant about Africa’s promise that was expected to be leapfrogged by the machinery of boosted intra-African trade.
COVID 19 has set this back – not the promise, but the start of trading. This, for many reasons, not least the unfinished negotiation business on rules of origin and the still-to-be exchanged offers for preferential treatment that will be the basis for new trading arrangements.
We have seen demand for Africa’s commodity exports plummet, and their prices tumble. We have seen global and regional supply chains break – causing fear for food insecurity and critically needed medical supplies.
Ahunna Eziakonwa. Credit: UNDP
But it is precisely COVID 19 that must impress on us the sense of urgency to accelerate implementation of the AfCFTA. Africa’s place in global value chains requires critical upgrade – from the export of raw materials and low-processed goods, to higher value – added products.
COVID 19 has shown that production value chains structured around extraction must now give way to approaches that privilege diversified industrialization on the continent, to promote structural transformation in Africa.
And this is not just economic orthodoxy. It is central to development policy – that Africa’s resources (that are the raw materials for many of the world’s most prosperous industries) can and must form the basis for an industrial drive within Africa, crowding in Africans: women and youth – into decent jobs, thereby promoting inclusive growth and sustainable development in Africa.
No nation has broken the poverty trap without creating jobs in productive sectors. Africa’s productive sectors – agriculture, industry, services, and the digital economy, should be supported to create products for local, regional, and global markets.
So, what has changed?
COVID 19 has demonstrated Africa’s ingenuity and surfaced the footprints of the productive capacity we long sought. Necessity has birthed innovation – from Ghana’s hand sanitizers, to Rwanda’s facemasks – and similar production all across Africa, to ventilators in Kenya, to testing kits in Senegal and Cote d’Ivoire.
These inventions were literally unimaginable in the pre – COVID 19 environment.
The power of a mindset and a narrative can change a reality. COVID 19 allows us to embrace the reality that ingenuity is distributed in equal measure. If there is a silver lining out of COVID 19’s stormy clouds, it is that Africa can – industrialize.
There is an important role for trade policy in ensuring that such mindset shifts take place, and that new stories of jobs for women and youth in trade, gain momentum.
For the development professional, the challenge is how to nurture this footprint – to ensure that it was not just a passing phase. The goal must be to support scaling up of what is evidence of a proven concept (which has a ready market in the new-normal COVID 19 economy). This can be done in at least six ways:
The overarching architecture of enabling environments is the business of governments. Investing in measures to facilitate trade within and at borders will need to become a top priority of Africa’s strategies to resuscitate economies from the development reversal occasioned by COVID 19.
Speaking to innovators and producers about the support they need to get ahead, is essential in zoning in on how their footprint can be scaled, so that models used for capacity building respond to those specific needs, even where it calls for getting off the beaten track.
Investing in agriculture, services and the digital economy is inescapable, as the pandemic has laid bare the risks of not doing so.
Amidst broken global supply chains and export bans, Africa has been forced to fill the gap. Scientists, research institutions, women entrepreneurs and young people have stepped up to the plate to provide homegrown solutions that are working well in context.
And while questions remain as to whether these are firmly rooted green shoots of recovery, the answer lies in what African governments do in responding to this footprint.
Investing in the new wave of African entrepreneurs scores on the twin objective of resuscitating incomes and livelihoods, while preparing the body of products that would find markets in the AfCFTA.
We must read and write about these innovations. Even more, we must recognize and lift them up – targeting them for programme support – and ensuring that they become part of Africa’s development 2.0 model.
While COVID 19 has led to a postponement of the start of trading under the AfCFTA, we must continue to advocate for an early commencement of stronger intra-African trade. For therein lies an important part of attaining Africa’s development promise.
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Excerpt:
Ahunna Eziakonwa is Assistant Secretary General, Assistant Administrator and Director of the UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa – where she oversees development programmes across 46 countries in Sub Saharan Africa.
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Credit: United Nations
By Daryl G. Kimball
WASHINGTON DC, Jul 1 2020 (IPS)
Seventy-five years ago, on July 16, the United States detonated the world’s first nuclear weapons test explosion in the New Mexican desert. Just three weeks later, U.S. Air Force B-29 bombers executed surprise atomic bomb attacks on the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, killing at least 214,000 people by the end of 1945, and injuring untold thousands more who died in the years afterward.
Since then, the world has suffered from a costly and deadly nuclear arms race fueled by more than 2,056 nuclear test explosions by at least eight states, more than half of which (1,030) were conducted by the United States.
But now, as a result of years of sustained citizen pressure and campaigning, congressional leadership, and scientific and diplomatic breakthroughs, nuclear testing is taboo.
The United States has not conducted a nuclear test since 1992, when a bipartisan congressional majority mandated a nine-month testing moratorium. In 1996 the United States was the first to sign the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), which verifiably prohibits all nuclear test explosions of any yield.
Today, the CTBT has 184 signatories and almost universal support. But it has not formally entered into force due to the failure of the United States, China, and six other holdout states to ratify the pact.
As a result, the door to nuclear testing remains ajar, and now some White House officials and members of the Senate’s Dr. Strangelove Caucus are threatening to blow it wide open.
According to a May 22 article in The Washington Post, senior national security officials discussed the option of a demonstration nuclear blast at a May 15 interagency meeting.
A senior official told the Post that a “rapid test” by the United States could prove useful from a negotiating standpoint as the Trump administration tries to pressure Russia and China to engage in talks on a new arms control agreement.
Making matters worse, in a party-line vote last month, the Senate Armed Services Committee approved an amendment by Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) to authorize $10 million specifically for a nuclear test if ordered so by President Donald Trump.
Such a test could be conducted underground in just a few months at the former Nevada Test Site outside Las Vegas.
The idea of such a demonstration nuclear test blast is beyond reckless. In reality, the first U.S. nuclear test explosion in 28 years would do nothing to rein in Russian and Chinese nuclear arsenals or improve the environment for negotiations.
Rather, it would raise tensions and probably trigger an outbreak of nuclear testing by other nuclear actors, leading to an all-out global arms race in which everyone would come out a loser.
Other nuclear-armed countries, such as Russia, China, India, Pakistan, and North Korea would have far more to gain from nuclear testing than would the United States. Over the course of the past 25 years, the U.S. nuclear weapons labs have spent billions to maintain the U.S. arsenal without nuclear explosive testing.
Other nuclear powers would undoubtedly seize the opportunity provided by a U.S. nuclear blast to engage in multiple explosive tests of their own, which could help them perfect new and more dangerous types of warheads.
Moves by the United States to prepare for or to resume nuclear testing would shred its already tattered reputation as a leader on nonproliferation and make a mockery of the State Department’s initiative for a multilateral dialogue to create a better environment for progress on nuclear disarmament. The United States would join North Korea, which is the only country to have conducted nuclear tests in this century, as a nuclear rogue state.
As Dr. Lassina Zerbo, executive secretary of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty Organization, said on May 28, “[A]ctions or activities by any country that violate the international norm against nuclear testing, as underpinned by the CTBT, would constitute a grave challenge to the nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament regime, as well as to global peace and security more broadly.”
Talk of renewing U.S. nuclear testing would dishonor the victims of the nuclear age. These include the millions of people who have died and suffered from illnesses directly related to the radioactive fallout from tests conducted in the United States, the islands of the Pacific, Australia, China, North Africa, Russia, and Kazakhstan, where the Soviet Union conducted 468 of its 715 nuclear tests.
Tragically, the downwinders affected by the first U.S. nuclear test, code-named “Trinity,” are still not even included in the U.S. Radiation Effects Compensation Act program, which is due to expire in 2022.
Congress must step in and slam the door shut on the idea of resuming nuclear testing, especially if its purpose is to threaten other countries. As Congress finalizes the annual defense authorization and energy appropriations bills, it can and must enact a prohibition on the use of funds for nuclear testing and enact safeguards that require affirmative House and Senate votes on any proposal for testing in the future.
Eventually, the Senate can and must also reconsider and ratify the CTBT itself. As a signatory, the United States is legally bound to comply with CTBT’s prohibition on testing, but has denied itself the benefits that will come with ratification and entry into force of the treaty.
Nuclear weapons test explosions are a dangerous vestige of a bygone era. We must not go back.
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Excerpt:
Daryl G. Kimball is Executive Director of the Arms Control Association (ACA) and publisher of the organization’s monthly journal, Arms Control Today
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UN Security Council in session. Credit: United Nations
By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 1 2020 (IPS)
The ongoing battle between China and the United States is threatening to paralyze the most powerful body at the United Nations – the 15-member Security Council (UNSC)—which has virtually gone MIA (missing in action) on some of the key politically-sensitive issues of the day.
The Council has scrupulously avoided any resolutions on the devastation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, which has claimed the lives of over 500,000 people worldwide, while it has remained silent on Secretary-General Antonio Guterres’ call for a global cease-fire in war-ravaged countries, including Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Somalia and Yemen.
Summing up the dysfunctional state of the UNSC, UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said: “We have not seen a statement (from the Security Council) on COVID 19. (And) we have not seen a statement on the Secretary-General’s call on global ceasefire”.
The warring parties in current conflicts are backed, directly or indirectly, by the five permanent members (P5) of the UNSC: the US, UK, France, Russia and China who are providing either political or military support– or both.
The big powers have a longstanding tradition of protecting their allies and their own national interests while covering up each other’s military sins — mostly on a reciprocal basis.
As the old saying goes, one Asian diplomat remarked, “the underlying principle is: You scratch my back and I’ll scratch yours”.
The Security Council, Dujarric rightly pointed out, has primacy in the UN over issues of peace and security. “A strong statement from that body… a strong unified statement from that body supporting the Secretary General’s call for a global ceasefire, I think, would go a long way in, hopefully, making a call for a ceasefire a reality”, he added.
Ian Williams, a veteran journalist who has covered the UN since the 1980s and currently president of the New York Foreign Press Association, told IPS it is past time for the grown-ups in the UN to get together to call out the UN P5, especially the recidivist veto-brandishers like the US, China and Russia.
Even the Trump administration is not impervious to rebuffs, he added.
“I seem to remember when the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was going to veto a peacekeeping mission in Haiti over its recognition of Taiwan, until Ambassador Juan Somavia (of Chile) spoke to them on behalf of the LATAM members and warned of the consequences to their reputations. The consequences do not have to be critical – they can be cumulative since even the P5 need support.”
This Secretary General exceeds the quota on diplomacy, said Williams, author of “UNtold: The Real Story of the United Nations in Peace and War.”
“Perhaps he should abandon any ambitions for a second term and, while he still has it, use his moral authority as custodian of the Charter to name and shame those who hold up crucial decision for national ego”.
“He has the pulpit: he should try preaching and rallying other members. Better to be a memorable one termer than a footnote two-termer!”, said Williams, a former President of the UN Correspondents’ Association (UNCA).
The Trump administration broke ranks and blocked consideration of a proposed resolution on COVID19– because it did not specifically single out China by name. If such a resolution came up before the Council, the Chinese would obviously have vetoed it.
At the same time, no Security Council member would dare introduce a resolution supporting pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong, criticize the brutal suppression of Uighurs Muslims in China or condemn Israel for threatening to annex Palestinian territory.
As Guterres said during his press conference last week: “The problem is not that multilateralism is not up to the challenges the world faces. The problem is that today’s multilateralism lacks scale, ambition and teeth.”
And some of the instruments that do have teeth, he explained, “show little or no appetite to bite, as has recently been the case with the difficulties faced by the Security Council.”
Stephen Zunes, Professor of Politics at the University of San Francisco and coordinator of the program in Middle Eastern Studies, told IPS since the founding of the United Nations, one or more of the five permanent members have periodically abused their veto power or threat thereof to block action on important matters.
“Calls for reforming the Security Council, such as requiring a super-majority of some kind rather than a consensus of the P5 have been proposed, but largely ignored, for almost as long,” he said.
Zunes pointed out that the current U.S. administration is particularly extreme in its efforts to thwart the will of international community, however.
For example, he argued, the strongly pro-Israel administrations of Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon did not oppose a series of UNSC resolutions against Israel’s annexation of greater East Jerusalem.
And the strongly pro-Israel Reagan administration supported the unanimous resolution opposing Syria’s annexation of the Golan Heights, yet the Trump administration is blocking any action in opposition to Israel’s plans of annexing large swathes of the occupied West Bank, declared Zunes
“When the United States is willing to block action on fighting a global pandemic, establishing a global cease fire, or opposing the flagrantly illegal annexation of territories seized by military force, we really are entering a new era of political extremism which is not only weakening the Security Council, but threatening the viability of the of the entire UN system and post-World War II international order,” said Zunes, who also serves as a senior policy analyst for Foreign Policy in Focus project of the Institute for Policy Studies.
Zunes also referred to United Nations Security Council Resolution 252 (1968), 267 (1969), and 298 (1971) on Jerusalem and resolution 497 (1981) on the Golan Heights.
In a statement released June 30, US Ambassador Kelly Craft lambasted China’s gross human rights abuses but stopped short of taking any action in the Security Council.
In a hard-hitting statement she said the world has known about the Chinese Communist Party’s gross and systematic abuses of human rights for decades, but too often turned a blind eye.
“I salute the United Nations special rapporteurs and human rights experts for courageously breaking this silence and standing up for the Chinese people.”
She said the June 26 statement issued by UN rapporteurs and experts reveals the true state of human rights in the People’s Republic of China. It outlines the CCP’s systematic repression of religious and ethnic minorities; the disappearance and detention of lawyers and human rights defenders; and the regime’s use of forced labor.
While the UNSC has taken no action on the proposed annexation of occupied territory by Israel, the outspoken UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet added her voice to the growing international and national calls on the Government of Israel not to proceed with its plans to illegally annex a swathe of occupied Palestinian territory, saying it would have a disastrous impact on human rights of Palestinians and across the region.
“Annexation is illegal. Period,” she said. “Any annexation. Whether it is 30 percent of the West Bank, or 5 percent. I urge Israel to listen to its own former senior officials and generals, as well as to the multitude of voices around the world, warning it not to proceed along this dangerous path.”
The writer can be contacted at thalifdeen@aol.com
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A boat rests on the shores of Fiji. Credit: Unsplash / Nicolas Weldingh
By Armida Salsiah Alisjahbana
BANGKOK, Thailand, Jun 30 2020 (IPS)
Developing countries of Asia and the Pacific are experiencing unbalanced tolls of the COVID-19 pandemic. Grim milestones in infections and deaths have left countless devastated. Yet, we must look at the economic and social impacts in small island developing States (SIDS), where setbacks are likely to undo years of development gains and push many people back into poverty.
Compared to other developing countries, SIDS in the Asia-Pacific region have done well in containing the spread of the virus. So far, available data indicates relatively few cases of infections, with 15 deaths in total in Maldives, Guam and Northern Mariana Islands. Yet while rapid border closures have contained the human cost of the virus, the economic and social impacts of the pandemic on SIDS will place the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) even farther out of their reach. This is worrying as SIDS in Asia and the Pacific were only on track to reach SDG 9: Industry, Innovation and Infrastructure and SDG 12: Responsible Consumption and Production and as they had in fact regressed in SDG 8: Decent Work and Economic Growth, a crucial driver of inclusive development and key to reaching all SDGs.
One reason SIDS’ economies are severely impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic is their dependence on tourism. Tourism earnings exceed 50 per cent of GDP in Maldives and Palau and comprised 30 per cent of GDP in Samoa and Vanuatu in 2018. Measures to contain the COVID-19 pandemic, including restricting entrance to countries and halting international travel, will have a profound impact on the development of these economies in 2020 and beyond, with estimates of international tourist arrivals declining globally by 60-80 per cent in 2020. The pandemic has particularly affected the cruise ship industry, which plays an important role in many SIDS.
The severe impact of COVID-19 on these economies is also a result of heavy reliance on fisheries, which represent a main source of SIDS’ marine wealth and bring much-needed public revenues. The COVID-19 pandemic crisis will jeopardize these income streams as a result of a slowdown in fisheries activity. However, it is important to note that the COVID-19 pandemic may also create a small window for stocks to recover if it leads to a global slowdown of the commercial fishing industry.
Despite the tourism and fisheries sectors’ susceptibility to shocks, ESCAP’s latest report, the Asia-Pacific Countries with Special Needs Development Report: Leveraging Ocean Resources for the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States, emphasizes fisheries and tourism will remain drivers of sustainable development in small island developing States of Asia and the Pacific. They are among the most important sectors in their contribution to output and their importance for livelihoods. In the short term, addressing the consequences of the COVID 19 pandemic must take priority, but the long-term global context will usher in an era supportive of tourism development in Asia-Pacific SIDS. This is due to an increasing demand from the emerging middle class of developing Asia and the ageing society in the developed countries on the Pacific Rim.
As part of post COVID-19 recovery, new foundations for sustainable tourism and fisheries in Asia-Pacific SIDS must be built. These sectors must not only have extensive links to local communities and economies, but also be resilient to external shocks. Enhancing economic resilience must focus on building both the necessary physical infrastructure and creating institutional response mechanisms. For example, a ‘green tax’ for tourists can generate revenues for environmental protection. Such fees serve as an additional benefit for local populations and regulate the impact of tourism on SIDS’ fragile natural environment. SIDS may consider innovative financing instruments like blue bonds and and debt for conservation swaps to expand their fiscal space. Open data sharing, and the collection, harmonization and use of fisheries data can be strengthened for integrated and nuanced analysis on the state of fish stocks.
Given the limited capacity of the health-care systems of many Asia-Pacific SIDS, shutting down access to many of these economies was a wise and necessary short-term policy choice. Opening ‘travel bubbles’ with countries where the virus has been brought under control is now important. In the longer term, the effective implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development must take priority. This entails ensuring sustainable use of existing ocean resources and developing sectors that provide productive employment, including specific types of tourism and fisheries. SIDS can do more to embrace the blue economy to foster sustainable development and greater regional cooperation is an important element for creating an enabling framework. Regional cooperation is especially important given the nature of fisheries as a common property resource and the remote locations of most Asia-Pacific SIDS.
The COVID-19 pandemic has provided a stark reminder of the price of weaknesses in health systems, social protection and public services. It also provides a historic opportunity to advocate for policy decisions that are pro-environment, pro-climate and pro-poor. Progress in our region’s SIDS through sustainable tourism and fisheries are vital components of a global roadmap for an inclusive and sustainable future.
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Excerpt:
Armida Salsiah Alisjahbana is United Nations Under-Secretary-General and Executive Secretary of the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific
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The Sakhi sanitary pad is completely natural, comprising pinewood fibre, non-woven cloth, and butter paper. lt composts in eight days. Credit: Stella Paul/IPS
By Stella Paul
PILGAON/GOA, India, Jun 30 2020 (IPS)
Jayashree Parwar has not traveled much outside of her village of Bicholim in the western coastal Indian state of Goa. But the homemaker-turned-social-entrepreneur has been reaching women in dozens of cities across the country with a hygiene product she makes at home along with women from her community.
Called Sakhi (friend in Hindi), the plastic-free sanitary pad is Goa’s first menstrual hygiene product made with organic materials.
Plastic challenge of sanitary padsAccording to a 2018 joint report by Water Aid India and the Menstrual Hygiene Alliance of India, women and girls here use a whopping 12 billion sanitary pads annually. Depending on the materials used in the making of the sanitary pads, they could take up to 800 years to decompose, the report says.
Currently, most sanitary pads have over 90 percent composition plastics — the equivalent of four plastic bags.
Parwar doesn’t know these statistics very well but is aware of the growing plastic nuisance in her state.
“Wherever you go, there is plastic. You can go to any beach and there are heaps of plastic. A lot of it like cups, bottles, spoons etc are used by tourists and hotels, but we locals also use a lot of plastic, especially the carry bags for shopping,” she tells IPS, before adding that the eco-friendly Sakhi sanitary pads are her own way of mitigating the plastic challenge.
Goa may be one of the smallest states in India but it produces 7,300 tons of plastic waste annually. Credit: Stella Paul/IPS
“A small step to reduce a big burden”Parwar’s journey of a thousand pads started in the summer of 2015 in the narrow, tin-roofed hut adjoining her living room that she calls her ‘workshop’.
Three other women from her community joined her. They all share a similar background: none of them have studied beyond high school; they are from a low income group; and they all have dreams of a better life for their family and children.
Their resources were few: a few hundred rupees as their capital and a compressing machine donated by local doctor Subbu Nayak. Nayak also trained them in pad making and connected them with a raw material supplier in Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu.
The process is fairly simple and making a single sanitary pad takes around five minutes, explains Nasreen Sheikh, one of Parwar’s colleagues.
“First we grind the pinewood fibre, then put it into a mould, press it and wrap it in (non-woven) cloth, sticking butter paper on one side and finally we sterilise it,” Sheikh tells IPS.
However, although they had a machine and the skills, a crucial component was still missing. They had no customers.
Fortunately for them, support came from different quarters, including the government’s Urban Development Department. Sumit Singh, an official from the department who leads the Clean India Mission, taught Parwar and her partners how to market themselves online with retailers like Amazon.
Parwar and her colleagues had no prior business experience and limited resources. They naturally saw online marketing as an exciting opportunity.
“We chose to sell on Amazon because none of us have the time or means to go out and market (the sanitary pads) in stores or malls. Besides, online we can have clients even outside of Goa,” Parwar says.
After four years of struggling to build the business and develop a steady customer base, along with numerous failed attempts to secure bank loans to grow their business, the women finally managed to expand beyond the narrow tin shed to a bigger room (their factory) where they now make a thousand pads every month.
“We are only making a 1,000 pads in a month, so it’s a very small step, but I believe every small step counts,” Parwar says.
Jayashree Parwar and her partners have been making plastic-free sanitary pads in Goa, and have sold them to clients in the India’s cities like Mumbai, Pune, Bangalore, Hyderabad and New Delhi. Credit: Stella Paul/IPS
Growing demand for plastic-freeThey have received orders from bigger cities like Mumbai, Pune, Bangalore, Hyderabad and New Delhi. Unlike known brands and corporate manufacturers, Parwar’s group doesn’t have the ability to advertise, but word of mouth, social media and a growing environmental consciousness have helped them, she says.
“We use materials that are completely natural: pinewood fibre, non-woven cloth, butter paper. There is nothing there to cause itching or skin rashes and once you dispose it, this pad will compost in eight days. We have given demonstration in many schools and other organisations. People have tried it and seen how the composting really works,” Alita Pilgaonkar, another member of the group, tells IPS.
The sanitary pads also decompose in about two weeks.
Eight sanitary pads cost 40 rupees and bulk pack containing 96 pads costs 700 rupees. They are cheaper than most popular brands but the women say that they manage to make a small profit.
Reusable vs compostableCould a total shift to plastic-free sanitary pads be a possibility and could it curb the ever-increasing plastic burden?
Ideally, it is possible, but the willpower seems to be currently missing, Kathy Walkling, co-founder of Ecofemme, tells IPS. Ecofemme is another women-led initiative that makes eco-friendly menstrual hygiene products. Based in Puducherry (formerly Pondicherry) on the country’s southern coast, Ecofemme produces and advocates for reusable sanitary pads that are both plastic-free and affordable.
“If government would back these initiatives, this could have a powerful effect to make a mainstream shift,” Walkling tells IPS.
But Eline Bakker Kruijne, an environmental engineer and formerly a programme officer at Netherlands-based international think-tank IRC WASH, tells IPS that no significant changes are possible without changing the current disposal system.
Pointing at the practice of treating discarded menstrual products, whether organic or plastic, as hazardous and burning them, Bakker Kruijne says that single-use pads are of no help as incineration only adds to pollution levels.
“It is all about how these single-use materials break down in the environment and if it requires an industrial process (like incineration), does it really help us?” Bakker Kruijne asks.
Walkling also says that single-use menstrual products, even if compostable, add to the daily waste volume. But public preference is currently tilted heavily towards these single-use pads as people see them as more hygienic than reusables.
However, both the experts feel that moving away from plastic is a positive step.
“With each person who shifts to a reusable and non polluting product, approx 125 kg of sanitary waste per person over a lifetime of use will be prevented. There are currently approx 355 million menstruating girls and women in India and if each uses 10 pads/month this would generate 42.6 billion pads every year (355million*10pads*12 months).
“Obviously given these numbers, more women switching to re-usable products makes a significant difference,” Walking tells IPS.
Meanwhile, the ongoing COVID-19 crisis and the lockdown that has severely affected India’s economic sector has not left the producers of the Sakhi sanitary pads unaffected. Their main supplier in Coimbatore, in south India, stopped operations, almost forcing the women out of business. However, they have recently managed to find another supplier in Mumbai.
Sales have also decreased, but Parwar is confident of recovering quickly once the crisis is over. Because, as she says, women’s “periods will not stop”.
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The Swedish artist Carl Fredrik Reuterswärd´s Non-Violence sculpture outside the UN headquarters in New York.
By Jan Lundius
STOCKHOLM / ROME, Jun 30 2020 (IPS)
Just as the U.S. is haunted by the 1963 murder of John F. Kennedy, Sweden is troubled by the 1986 murder of its Prime Minister Olof Palme. The American feelings were aired on Bob Dylan´s latest album, Rough and Rowdy Ways, containing a 16 minutes long song with lines like:
It happened so quickly, so quick, by surprise
right there in front of everyone’s eyes.
Greatest magic trick ever under the sun,
perfectly executed, skillfully done.I said the soul of a nation been torn away
and it’s beginning to go into a slow decay.
On the evening of the 10th of June this year, a significant part of the Swedish population sat eagerly waiting in front of their TV sets. The Palme Commission was going to reveal the definite results of 34 years of official investigations into the murder of Olof Palme.
He had, in a street corner at the very centre of Stockholm, at short range, been shot dead in front of his wife. He was killed with a single bullet in the back. The Prime Minister had in the afternoon told his body guards they could take the evening off, something he often did when he was not on duty. Olof Palme’s evening had been quite typical for a Swede at the time, even for a high level, controversial politician, with an international fame rivalled only by the music group ABBA. Swedes had grown accustomed to a low level of violent crimes. After a regular day at work, Palme arrived home at 18:30. He ate dinner prepared and served by his wife. At 20:42 the couple caught the subway, three stations later they descended just in time to meet their son Mårten and his fiancé and for Palme to buy tickets for the four of them to watch the Swedish film The Brothers Mozart, which I saw a few years later, thinking it was a pity that Palme had to watch such a bad Fellini-wannabe movie just before he died.
After the movie, Palme and his wife were quietly walking back home when a taxi driver at 23:21 from his car witnessed how Palme’s wife fell to the ground slightly wounded by a bullet, while her husband lay bleeding on the ground. The murderer was running from the crime scene. The driver immediately called the switchboard of his taxi rank, which alerted the police. Within a minute a police patrol car had arrived. An ambulance happened to pass by and stopped while a police ran after the murderer, though he lost him.
When all this happened my wife and I were in Santo Domingo, capital of the Dominican Republic. The evening was going to be the highpoint of the carnival season and we were getting ready for the festivities. The TV was on, but we were not paying it much attention. As I was putting on the fangs which completed my vampire outfit, I glanced at the TV screen, glimpsing a portrait of Olof Palme.
”Something must have happened in Sweden – they have just shown a picture of Palme” I said, and turned up the sound only to find that other news were coming in. ”I don´t suppose it was anything serious”, my wife said. During the evening, I could not stop wondering about the picture of Palme and imagined I had heard the word asesinato. We came back to our flat at three in the morning and I called my father.
”What time is it in Sweden?”
”9 o´clock in the morning. Why? Has anything happened?”
”I saw something about Palme on TV, but didn’t hear anything. It was more than 12 hours ago.”
In faraway Hässleholm my father put the radio on. With a sense of shock I heard him say:
”They’re playing some sort of funeral music. Wait a moment … Olof Palme has been murdered! He is dead. He was shot in a street in Stockholm.”
I was still dressed up as vampire. Everything was absurd. I put on the TV and saw people weeping in the street outside Café Opera, Stockholm’s fanciest restaurant. What had happened?
After I had come back to my teaching job in Sweden five subjects had been set up for that year’s final exams, one of them being ”What Olof Palme and his death mean for me”. Every Swedish teacher at the school had to comment on his/her colleagues´essays and thus I came to read more than 150 student essays. To my suprise I found that every single pupil had chosen to write about Palme’s death. Most surprising was that the thoughts expressed in all essays were more or less the same: ”Sweden is now like every other country in the world. We have lost our innocence. We are not unique any more. Politicians are murdered even here. Swedish society and politics are just as corrupt as in the rest of the world. Palme’s death was the end of our secure welfare state. We live in a changed country.” It was like waking up in an unfamiliar landscape after a good night´s sleep. A vacuum had arisen in the Swedish self-awareness.
A Dutch friend of mine told me: ”When the President of a neat little democracy like Sweden is murdered you will soon witness how all kind of maggots will be creeping out of the corpse.” He was right. During the search for the killer different ”tracks” constantly opened up, each indicating an ”affair”, pointing to strange covert actions, all of them ultimately leading to a dead end.
After the assassination, Hans Holmér, Chief Constable of the Stockholm County Police, took charge of the investigations. He assumed the murder was of a political nature, but not related to the domestic political scene. Under his command, suspicions almost exclusively centred on his personal convictions. Crime scene investigations and witness interviews were fatally flawed. Resources were directed towards investigating radical immigrant groups, notably the Kurdish Liberation Movement PKK. After a raid when numerous Kurdish immigrants with presumed PKK connections were arrested, only to be released due to lack of evidence, Holmér had to resign.
Holmér shared a flat with Ebbe Carlsson, a publisher close to the inner circles of the governing Social Democratic Party. After Holmér had been removed from the Palme investigation, Carlsson was caught smuggling surveillance equipment into Sweden on behalf of Holmér. It turned out that Carlsson had acted with the consent of the Minister of Justice, who was forced to resign and the scandal thickened. Holmér had recruited infamously violent police officers with right-wing leanings, who furthermore had been suspiciously involved with narcotics- and arms dealers in Stockholm’s underworld, some of them had just before Palme’s death been spotted with walkie-talkies close to the murder scene. The Swedish secret police, SÄPO, had been marginalized from the investigations. Accordingly, several international affairs and connections with foreign Secret Service Agencies had not been fully investigated.
Among them was the so-called Bofors Scandal. The Swedish arms manufacturer Bofors had paid USD 9 Million in kickbacks to top Indian politicians. Furthermore, the company had apparently illegally exported sophisticated weaponry to Iran, Nigeria, and the United Arab Emirates. A year after Palme’s death, a State appointed Weapons Inspector ”fell” bakwards in front of a subway train and killed a few hours after a meeting with the head of the Nobel Industries, one of the co-owners of Bofors. Some illegal weapon deals had allegedly been brokered with the help of the East German secret police, STASI. Two Swedish journalists who had followed this trail had, two years before the inspector’s death, been found drowned in a car just outside Stockholm. None of these deaths was explained, even if the Foreign Minister just over a year after Palme’s death declared that: ”The dirty linen of the arms deals will be washed in the open.”
Speculations spread like wildfire after it was alleged that Bofors had been involved in arms sales to Iran during the infamous Iran-Contra Scandal. A former CIA agent, Dois Gene ”Chip” Tatum, who 1986 – 1992 had been active in several of CIA’s covert actions, was in an interview asked if he knew anything about the murder of Olof Palme. He answered: ”I was informed that the OSG [Operations Sub-Group] was behind and used the ”assets” [professional killers] in South Africa.” According to Tatum the reason for the murder was that agents in charge of the Iran-Contra deal had approached Olof Palme and become alarmed when learning that the Swedish Prime Minister was unaware of Bofors’s illegal activities and declared that he was going to take up the issue within the UN.
The Swedish Social Democrat Government was a known supporter of anti-Apartheid forces and by the end of September 1996 Eugene de Kock, a former South African police officer, gave evidence to the Supreme Court in Pretoria stating that Palme had been killed as part of an operation headed by a Secret Service agent, Craig Williamson, who had been in contact with Swedish mercenaries who had served under the South African Apartheid Regime.
None of the above cases have been validated by the Swedish authorities and represent just a few of several ”affairs” that surfaced in connection with Palme’s death. My Dutch friend’s prophecy proved to be correct – an unresolved, political murder would reveal what goes on under the surface of an affluent and ”just” society. My pupils were also right – with the murder of Olof Palme Sweden lost its innocence and its citizens have not recuperated from the shock. After approximately 600 million SEK spent on investigations, a reward of 5 million USD to anyone who can present convincing evidence of whom the killer was, and 130 confessed killers, the Palme murder continues to gnaw on the mind of many Swedes.
What did the Palme Commission reveal on TV? It had been been globally announced that definite facts about the murder were going to be exposed and explained. However, 34 years after Palme’s murder the Commission came up with yet another alleged killer, a loner like so many other earlier suspects. The Commission declared that the alibi of a certain Stig Engström had not been throuroughly investigated and that he was the probable killer. Twenty years after his death, Sweden now got its own Lee Harvey Oswald, though he had not even been arrested during his lifetime, even less officially accused of any crime. The Commission proclaimed the case closed. Not many were content with that conclusion.
Jan Lundius holds a PhD. on History of Religion from Lund University and has served as a development expert, researcher and advisor at SIDA, UNESCO, FAO and other international organisations.
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Indian Army Chief, General M.M. Naravane recently admitted that there is a threat of possible collusion between China and Pakistan against India which could lead to a two-front war. Credit: Indian Defence News
By Simi Mehta
NEW DELHI, Jun 30 2020 (IPS)
Being the sole candidate from the Asia Pacific region for the non-permanent seat of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), India was elected by 184 votes in the 193-member United Nations’ General Assembly. on June 17, 2020.
For its membership during its two-year term- 2021-22, the priorities for India had been announced much in advance. India has called for a “New Orientation for A Reformed Multilateral System’ (NORMS)”- based United Nations.
The major characteristics for achieving norms include: new opportunities for progress; an effective response to international terrorism; reforming the multilateral system; a comprehensive approach to international peace and security, and; promoting technology with a human touch as a driver of solutions.
Chinese Incursions into the Indian Territory
With India’s non-permanent membership bid confirmed, its tenure begins with major skirmish in its border with the permanent member of the UNSC- People’s Republic of China (PRC), in the Ladakh side at the Galwan valley.
There has been a total of 20 confirmed casualties of the Army from the Indian side, and with indications of several personnel (jawans) held hostage by the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Physical confrontation using nailed-rods have been inflicted as a means to torture the Indian jawans.
It needs to be mentioned here that this conflict draws resemblance to the 1962 war with China at the site of the Galwan river in the Ladakh region near the Line of Actual Control between India and China, began when China attacked India’s posts along the Indian border.
Suffering a humiliating defeat at the hands of the Chinese, this war was described as a blatant Chinese communist aggression against India. It must be noted that after 1975, no Indian soldier was killed at the hands of the Chinese troops. This 45-year record of mutual trust witnessed a bloody jolt where 20 Indian soldiers were martyred on June 15-16, 2020.
As India seeks to place NORMS at the UNSC table, any complacency in its approach towards China would only embolden the latter. As it clearly is, India is surrounded by expansionist and terror-harbouring states who are also nuclear powers.
According to the Yearbook 2020 of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), India (150) has lesser nuclear warheads than Pakistan (160) and Pakistan and China (320) combined.
With nationalist sentiments raging high in India, the Prime Minister of India has sent a stern message that while India wants peace, it would respond appropriately to any provocation.
With complete resolve, it would do to protect its sovereignty and integrity and would not compromise it in anyway. Certainly, the stakes are high because when Pakistan intruded into India and challenged India’s sovereignty, India launched a ‘surgical strike’ against it as a befitting reply to such attack against it.
Amid the ongoing combat, a virtual meeting between India’s External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and Foreign Minister of India Wang Yi, was held. India warned China that the unprecedented development and killing of Indian soldiers would have a ‘serious’ impact on the bilateral relations.
While India and PRC have border management agreements, India must realize that such arrangements have not stopped China into making aggressive overtures towards it. The sooner its thuggishness around international rules of law is exposed, the faster it would ensure safety for the heroes in the armed forces.
Non-Permanent Membership of the UNSC: India’s Test to Hold PRC Accountable
As India assumes its Non-Permanent Membership of the UNSC from January 1, 2021, India must seek to avenge the wrongs of China keeping all its options of tour de force open. It would also hold the UNSC presidency for a month in August 2021.
India’s objective to establish a NORMS-based architecture must stand the test of time and prove its mettle to the world that it is fully capable of wielding a veto-powered permanent membership to the UNSC.
While this is the eighth time that India would sit as a non-permanent member in the most powerful agency of the UN, this election has been regarded as being the result of Indian PM’s “vision, and his inspiring global leadership, particularly in the time of COVID-19”, and that the international community would be a testament to the Indian ethos of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam (the world is one family).
Into its 75th year, the UNSC does not represent the changed geopolitical realities. In 1945 when the UN was established, the UN General Assembly had 51 members, and in 2020 the it stands at 193.
However, the permanent membership to the UNSC remains unchanged- it was 5 then, it is 5 now. In other words, it remains unreformed and underrepresented.
India has been a vocal advocate of reforming the composition of the UNSC for over three decades, and being the largest democracy of the world, with formidable economic and military might as well as a responsible nuclear power, following a comprehensive approach to peace and security guided by dialogue and negotiations, mutual respect and commitment to international law, it has continued to demand a non-discriminatory permanent seat in the UNSC.
The UNSC is the pivot of the mechanism of international collective security and international peace. Therefore, it is high time that it should be reformed and expanded in order to enable it to perform its duties enshrined in the UN Charter more proactively.
For this it is imperative that the representation of emerging economies, most prominently India, be the top of the list, which would give the developing and lesser developed countries greater say in the decision-making process of the UNSC.
India’s objectives, mission and vision to promote responsible and inclusive solutions to international peace and security must put the need to reform multilateralism on top of the agenda.
With the commitment towards multilateralism, rule of law and a fair and equitable international system, India would adopt a ‘Five S’ approach to the world from the UNSC seat — samman (respect), samvad (dialogue), sahayog (cooperation), shanti (peace) and samriddhi (prosperity).
Basing all its arguments under these principles, India must call an urgent meeting of the UNSC comprising of all permanent and non-permanent members and collectively hold China accountable for its misadventures (including intrusions into its territory and threatening its sovereignty by induction of Chinese troops, artillery and defence equipment into the areas along the Line of Actual Control around Pangong Lake and the Galwan valley), and also for its attempts to unilaterally change the status quo on the border.
Having the international community of nations support India’s stand would be the first test as it sets to establish the NORMS architecture in the Council.
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Excerpt:
Dr Simi Mehta is CEO and Editorial Director, Impact and Policy Research Institute, New Delhi. She can be reached at simi@impriindia.org.
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By Anis Chowdhury and Jomo Kwame Sundaram
SYDNEY and KUALA LUMPUR, Jun 30 2020 (IPS)
Seventy-five years ago, on 26 June 1945, before the Japanese surrender ending the Second World War, fifty nations gathered at San Francisco’s Opera House to sign the United Nations (UN) Charter.
UN Charter
Nations pledged “to practice tolerance and live together in peace …, and to ensure … that armed force shall not be used, save in the common interest, and to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples”.
Anis Chowdhury
They sought “to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, … and to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, and to … promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom”.
The Charter’s contents reflected some contradictions inherent in framing an international organization recognizing national sovereignty as its organizing principle, and various other compromises, often influenced by the convening host nation.
Although the conduct of Member States often falls short of the UN’s lofty goals, its Charter was nonetheless a monumental achievement, providing the foundation for a rules-based international order.
San Francisco Conference
Forty-six Allied countries, including the four sponsors – the United States, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and China – were originally invited to the San Francisco Conference.
The conference itself invited four other States – the Byelorussian and Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republics, newly-liberated Denmark and Argentina. Poland did not send a representative as its new government was still uncertain.
Of the fifty participating states, only four were African and nine Asian. Latin American countries, independent since the mid-19th century, were present and active in deliberations.
The Conference was not only one of the most significant international gatherings in history, but perhaps the longest ever. The two month long Conference was attended by 3,500 people, including 850 delegates, their advisers, staff and the secretariat, plus more than 2,500 from the media and other observers.
Jomo Kwame Sundaram
The Conference opened on April 25, 1945 with great fanfare, despite the sudden death of its principal architect and presumed host, US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, on 12 April. The task of carrying on fell to his Vice-President Harry Truman who had become President.
Truman often quoted English poet Alfred Lord Tennyson’s Locksley Hall, carried in his wallet, bewildering colleagues, senators and staffers who doubted his commitment to international peace. Tennyson foresaw that nations, realizing they could destroy one another, might agree to form “the Parliament of Man”, to resolve disputes peacefully.
Clashes and compromises
Many serious differences of opinion triggered crises, even at the preparatory stage. For example, the Soviet Union proposed that all 16 Soviet republics should have UN membership to balance the influence of US allies: the US countered by proposing membership for all its 50 states!
A compromise was struck, allowing membership for the Soviet republics of Belarus and Ukraine; the Soviet Union then withdrew its opposition to Argentina, which had supported the Axis powers.
The most important deliberations concerned the UN Security Council (UNSC), initially composed of five permanent members (US, UK, USSR, China, France) and six elected members. The P5’s right to veto provoked a long and heated debate.
Others feared that when one of the P5 threatens the peace, the UNSC would be ineffectual. But the P5 collectively insisted that as the main responsibility for maintaining world peace would fall most heavily on them, the veto provision was vital.
Australia proposed that no permanent member should be allowed to veto when involved in a Chapter VII dispute over threats to peace. The US delegation blocked this and a Soviet proposal allowing P5 vetoes on procedural matters, e.g., discussion of disputes in which it may be involved.
While US officials saw the UN General Assembly (UNGA) primarily as a ‘talk shop’, the USSR tried to limit it from discussing sensitive political matters. However, recognizing its importance for legitimacy, the compromise reached permits the UNGA to discuss any issues “within the scope of the Charter”.
Colonialism was not supposed to be discussed at the Conference to avoid alienating the European imperial powers, whom the US needed to isolate the Soviet Union. But the handful of Asian and African countries attending wanted countries still under the colonial yoke to attain freedom and independence as soon as possible.
Although not on the original Conference agenda, after much debate, Chapters XI, XII and XIII provided some norms for colonial administration and pathways for decolonization. Nonetheless, these ambiguous, at best, pronouncements greatly disappointed anti-colonialists around the world.
US hegemonic from outset
Despite some compromises inherent in framing such an agreement, the UN Charter favoured the US. It promised to protect freedom of action and national sovereignty, as desired by the US, but contained no open-ended commitment to preserve other countries’ territorial integrity, like the League of Nations Covenant’s Article 10.
Article 2(7) placated American sovereigntists and nationalists, declaring: “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state.”
The US and the UK also got what they wanted for existing and new regional and plurilateral arrangements, including defence and mutual assistance organizations.
Some US officials were concerned the UN might threaten the Monroe Doctrine privileging the US in the Western hemisphere, while limiting its ability to intervene elsewhere. Some clever drafting of Chapter VIII provided blanket endorsement to regional organizations, also seen as reflecting the principle of subsidiarity.
Article 51 enshrined the principle of “self-defense against armed attack, either individual or collective”. Although not fully appreciated in 1945, such provisions later helped legitimize various US and other post-colonial security pacts in Europe, Asia and the Americas against the Soviet Union during the Cold War.
Conference participants also considered a proposal for compulsory jurisdiction for a World Court, but the US Secretary of State recognized this would jeopardize Senate ratification. Delegates compromised, agreeing to let countries decide whether to accept the International Court of Justice (ICJ)’s jurisdiction.
Unsurprisingly, the US has had an uneasy relationship with the ICJ from the outset, never submitting to its authority, and reacting negatively to Court decisions seen as adverse to the US.
From Truman to Trump
Presiding at the closing ceremony, Truman cautioned that the success of the new world body would depend on collective self-restraint. “We all have to recognize – no matter how great our strength – that we must deny ourselves the license to do as we please. This is the price each nation will have to pay for world peace.”
Truman is probably turning in his grave watching Trump’s jingoist ‘America First’ policy undermine the UN and multilateralism. Are multilateralism and the UN now doomed as Trump belies Tennyson’s hope and leads the US to up-end the Roosevelt-Truman legacy?
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Credit: shutterstock / getty / the atlantic
By Dr. Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury
Jun 30 2020 (IPS-Partners)
President Donald Trump has got himself a wall. But it is not the one of his choosing, as one on the Mexican border. It is on Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington DC, a high fence that now separates him from his people. But as polls for him keep dipping, and the prognosis for a victory in the upcoming November elections keep worsening, a prediction from an unlikely person should bring him cheer. The source is none other than the Foreign Minister of a country that Trump considers to be in the forefront of his list of foes: Javad Zareef of Iran. I have known Zareef and worked with him as a fellow diplomat for years and would rate him as a person of extraordinary intellect. Speaking at an interview on Instagram with an Iranian journalist Farid Modaressi, Zareef stated that despite all that is happening, Trump’s support base of 30 to 35 percent has not moved , and till that occurs, he still has over 50 percent chances of re-election. Zareef did not elaborate if he himself would prefer such an outcome, calculating that four more years of America with Trump at its helm , might eliminate that nation totally from the global power scene, which for Zareef and Iran, ought to be a consummation devoutly to be wished!
Whether he gets re-elected or not, Trump is already facing an awkward situation of isolation on an international plane, particularly with regard to western peers of allied countries, whom analysts could be forgiven at this point for calling ex-allies. The logical and mathematical problem is an inverse correlation; it is that the more Trump acts to solidify his base domestically, the distance between him and Western leaders increase, as it were, in a geometric progression. The four major issues are as follows: The first is the ratcheting up of the disputes with China and Iran; the second is the withdrawal from the World Health Organization; the third is the withdrawal from security responsibilities all around the world and the fourth is his unseemly predilection for using force, even active-duty military personnel , to “dominate the streets” (as he says ) of America and quell the ongoing protests.
All these would sit nicely with the far- right redneck, working class America which is Trump’s core support base. If he could add to this ‘corporate America’, the evangelicals, and wean away the Southern whites from the Democratic camp (usually known, dating back to the Nixon era, as the “Southern Strategy”) he might have a sufficient segment of the white majority to pull it through. But this would be predicated on his ability to revive the economy. Hence the desperation to ‘open-up’ despite obvious health hazards to all in general, and to the minority, in particular.
To boost nationalism without having to fight a war, raising the level of heat in the dispute with foreign and culturally different nations like Iran and China would be vote-getting in the American context. Though it was an Englishman, Lord Palmerstone in the 19th century who had said “God made a mistake when He made foreigners”, it is most Americans, exhausted with involvements abroad, who actually tend to believe so. Hence the penchant for the return to “fortress America” or back to the “city on a shining hill”. While countries of the old world are often wary of nationalism, the cause of many conflicts, jingoism in America is more easily roused. There, many houses would fly the flag –the Star Spangled Banner-and most Americans would sing the national anthem with fervent enthusiasm, and a hand on the heart.
So, it stood to electoral reason when Trump cancelled US participation from the Joint Comprehensive plan of Action (JCPOA), also known as the Iran nuclear deal. It left the other partners, apart from the US and Iran-the European Union, Germany, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and China -holding the ball vis-à-vis Iran, and very angry. Iran, once a screw-driver’s turn away from acquisition of nuclear-weapon capability started enriching uranium again, but as of now, has been broadly complying with the regulations. Trump’s decision to pull out of the WHO at a time in the perception of others the body was playing an essential role during the Covid-19 pandemic, came as a surprise to the allies. The decision to withdraw US troops from the world’s trouble spots perturbed the others. While not all were pleased with China’s current global role, they were anxious to keep Beijing engaged and Europe was unwilling to break the economic ties. Finally, the upsurge of the “Black life matters” protests, and the force which Trump was employing to quell them upset his partners no end. Europeans tend to put more store by the value of human rights. So, European leaders realized that in their own domestic situations, as Trump grew increasingly unpopular globally and appeared to endorse breaching of human rights, proximity to him was costing them politically and electorally on their own home grounds.
Therefore, when Trump wanted to host a G-7 meeting in Washington in June to rally friends against China and display that he still wielded some global clout, the other members declined to oblige. Angela Merkel of Germany immediately rejected the invitation. Carl Bildt, former Swedish Prime Minister said, with ample persuasive logic, that the Germans suspected that it would just be a photo-op in the White House. Trump’s inexplicable desire to invite Vladimir Putin of Russia as a gues, put his friend Boris Johnson of Britain at odds with him. Also, Justin Trudeau of Canada, who took a knee emphasizing with a race-protesters, and delayed a response to a query on Trump by twenty-two seconds,to the amusement of all present. But Trump was not amused. He called off the G-7 meeting and announced his intention to reduce troop-presence in Germany. Scott Morrison of Australia was a rare case of one who remained loyal to Trump, but was cut adrift. He was left to fend for himself in his battle with an assertive Xi Jinping of China, as also with one of his own States, Victoria, which was unwilling to reduce ties with China.
Consequently, Trump was left ploughing a lonely furrow, fenced in at the White house. Some analysts, with regard to him, have raised the specter of ‘Gottendammarung”, which is German for ‘The twilight of the gods’. It is derived from the last of the four cycles of Richard Wagner’s celebrated dramatic rendition of the mythical tale of “The Ring of the Nibelungen”. This opera ends with the palace of the Norse gods, the Valhalla, with all its inmates, consumed in and utterly destroyed by a horrific conflagration, epitomizing the end of a society or regime in violent catastrophe. This could be an exaggerated vision of the conclusion of the Trump era, but the prospects of such a possibility is gaining currency.
Dr Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury is Principal Research Fellow at the Institute of South Asia Studies, National University of Singapore. He is a former Foreign Advisor (Foreign Minister) of Bangladesh and President of Cosmos Foundation Bangladesh.
This story was originally published by Dhaka Courier
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Credit: United Nations
By Devika Agarwal
Jun 29 2020 (IPS)
While COVID-19 has made the headlines every day over the past two months, services for tuberculosis (TB), one of the oldest diseases in the world, have been interrupted due to the lockdown. According to the World Health Organization’s (WHO) Global Tuberculosis Report 2019, India had an estimated 2.7 million new cases and 440,000 deaths due to TB in 2018—the highest in the world.
Despite such numbers, India has not taken any targeted measures to tackle the spread of TB during the ongoing pandemic.
The WHO has set global targets to reduce new cases of TB by 90 percent and deaths by 95 percent between 2015 and 2035. The Indian government launched the TB Free India campaign with the target of eliminating TB in the country by 2025.
However, it is estimated that the fight against TB faces a setback of five to eight years, globally, due to COVID-19. Specifically for India, a two-month lockdown and a two-month recovery period for restoration of full TB services will result in an additional 510,000 TB cases and 150,000 TB-related deaths, between 2020 and 2025. With a three-month lockdown and ten-month recovery period, the numbers would be 178,000 and 510,000 respectively.
The COVID-19 pandemic has compounded the TB epidemic
The internationally recognised Directly Observed Treatment Short-course (DOTS) strategy entails the diagnosis of TB through sputum testing and a treatment regimen of six to nine months, using appropriate drugs and observation by a healthcare worker.
The Indian government promises free diagnosis and treatment to all patients. However, the COVID-19 pandemic has brought to light several gaps in India’s healthcare system. There is a shortage of functioning sputum testing centres, DOT centres, and other facilities to identify and treat new patients of TB. Healthcare workers are also wary of going on-ground and carrying out tests and diagnoses.
Migrant workers with TB, who are travelling away from their workplaces, are at risk of treatment interruption, which may lead to an even more severe form of TB, called multi-drug-resistant TB. Additionally, due to the stigma attached with the symptoms of COVID-19, people are now afraid to get tested for TB. This is because TB symptoms (such as coughing), are similar to those of COVID-19.
People also fear being taken away from their families and isolated for unspecified durations. This can exacerbate the problem, as undiagnosed patients can infect many more. Not to mention, those with lung injuries due to TB may be prone to more severe outcomes if infected with COVID-19.
In April, the nonprofit TB Alert India’s Delhi branch, which works in some of the most underprivileged communities in Delhi’s slum areas, found out that average TB testing per month had fallen by 80 percent during the lockdown. They recorded only 25 percent of the new TB cases that they did, on average, before the lockdown, and only 15 percent of the new drug resistant TB cases.
According to Khasim Sayyed of TB Alert India, “In India, health-seeking behaviour has completely changed after COVID-19. People think twice before seeking a doctor.” He adds, “We are expecting a very high number of patients across all DOT centres and outpatient departments (OPDs) once the lockdown is lifted, because the patients are afraid to get diagnosed right now. Once things become better, we will witness more and more patients emerging with symptoms.”
We need targeted inventions for TB
A combination of strategies will be required to restore normal TB services, with the objective to reduce the accumulated pool of undetected TB patients. The Ministry of Health and Family Welfare has already asked states and union territories to ensure that the diagnosis and treatment of TB continues unhindered, despite COVID-19. It has directed measures, including doorstep delivery of drugs and providing one month of drugs at a time.
Here are some other steps that can be taken to strengthen both diagnosis and treatment:
Diagnosis
Treatment
Additionally, government, nonprofits, and private institutions must also collaborate to strengthen infection control to safeguard healthcare workers from TB, as well as COVID-19, during any intervention.
As more private practitioners turn to digital facilities for diagnosis and consulting, there is a need to design solutions for marginalised communities, who might not have access to digital facilities. The projected numbers for TB highlight the urgency for a better intervention strategy. While the COVID-19 pandemic deserves attention and intervention, the response to it should not come at the cost of another disease.
Devika Agarwal has three years of experience in the public health sector in India, working for organisations like TB Alert India, Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Government of NCT of Delhi, and the nonprofit Aaroogya, which works on prevention and early detection of breast cancer. She has a bachelors in mass media, with a specialisation in journalism, from Sophia College, Mumbai.
This story was originally published by India Development Review (IDR)
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By Pablo Vieira Samper
WASHINGTON DC, Jun 29 2020 (IPS)
Cast your mind back. Six months ago—it seems like a lifetime—the world’s attention was on Madrid. The United Nations was meeting to take stock of international progress in fighting climate change. Headlines were dominated by young people pointing out—rightly—that governments were still not doing enough. They demanded urgent and ambitious action to cut emissions and help the most vulnerable.
Pablo Vieira Samper
Fast forward to today. A then-unheard-of disease has swept around the world, with a death toll of almost half a million and climbing. Whole societies have shut down. The world faces its deepest recession in a century. And cities across the West have exploded in protest against racial and economic injustice.At first glance it is hard to imagine a bleaker outlook for the climate action that our young people were demanding. The climate crisis has certainly not abated. Globally, last month was the hottest May ever recorded. The past decade was similarly the hottest in recorded history. This year was supposed to be a deadline for countries to produce more ambitious climate plans (known as Nationally Determined Contributions, or NDCs). Instead, governments are reeling in the face of twin economic and healthcare crises. What chance is there for bold climate action?
But there is still cause for hope. As countries plan for economic recovery, governments have a major opportunity to drive investment in more efficient, more resilient and lower-emission infrastructure and unleash win-win outcomes. The International Energy Agency calculates that an ambitious recovery focused on efficient and low-carbon technologies can make 2019 the definitive peak in global emissions, while leaving the global economy 3.5 percent bigger in 2023 than it would be otherwise. If governments seize this opportunity, we can build more sustainable development models and address the climate crisis at the same time.
This is where the NDC Partnership is making a difference. We are a coalition of more than 110 countries and around 70 international institutions working together to drive climate action and sustainable development through national climate plans or NDCs. In line with our commitment to country-driven climate action, we consulted with seventy of our member countries in the early stage of the COVID-19 pandemic to understand the challenges they face. Our assessment highlights cause for concern ranging from shrinking climate budgets to growing national debts. Countries want to shape their economic recovery in line with their national climate priorities, but in many cases they lack the capacity to do so.
Led by our Co-Chairs, the governments of Costa Rica and the Netherlands, the Partnership is unveiling a raft of green recovery measures at a virtual green recovery forum today. In a show of solidarity, dozens of our country and institutional members are committing to place climate plans at the heart of economic recovery.
As part of this commitment, the Partnership is unveiling its deployment of economic advisors to at least thirty developing countries to support governments in designing climate-friendly recoveries. This initiative is backed by a group of leading experts from across our membership so that countries can leverage the latest thinking in smart recovery, from clean energy and transport systems to safer, more resilient agriculture and water infrastructure. Countries and institutions alike will learn from each other’s experiences. Armed with this greater capacity and access to expertise, countries have a real prospect of building back better.
This give me hope. But there is more. In the face of COVID-19 we are reminded of some important facts that have been lost in much recent political debate. It pays to heed expert scientific advice—natural disasters cannot be wished away just because they are politically unpalatable. Effective governments are vital to responding to global crises. Resources can be mobilized at huge scale when the need is clearly understood. And when societies are mobilized, we can make big changes happen fast. Climate change is as big a crisis as humanity has ever faced. But whenever you doubt whether we can rise to that challenge, cast your mind back six months. The global community is primed for a green recovery.
Pablo Vieira Samper, PhD is global director of the NDC Partnership Support Unit. The Partnership is a global coalition of 179 countries and institutions working to achieve the Paris Agreement goals.
Source: NDC Partnership
Source: NDC Partnership
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Aslihan Arslan, Senior Economist, Research and Impact Assessment Division, IFAD and Zoumana Bamba, IITA Country Representative, DR Congo
By Aslihan Arslan and Zoumana Bamba
Jun 29 2020 (IPS)
Warnings at the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic that Africa could be hit by a wave of up to 10 million cases within six months thankfully now seem unfounded, although it is still far too early to be over-confident.
The World Health Organization said on May 22 that the virus appears to be “taking a different pathway” on the continent, with a lower mortality rate and a slower rise in cases than other regions. However, three weeks later WHO warned that the pandemic in Africa was accelerating and noted that it took 98 days to reach 100,000 cases and only 19 days to move to 200,000 cases.
Aslihan Arslan
As of June 23, Africa had recorded over 232,000 confirmed cases and 5,117 deaths, still far fewer compared with Europe and the Americas. Experts are still analyzing how it is with widespread poverty, fragile public health systems and weak infrastructure in many countries that Africa has avoided the worst. Prompt preventative actions by governments and overwhelmingly youthful populations are cited as important factors.While we must avoid the pitfalls of complacency and trusting sometimes questionable statistics caused in part by a lack of testing, the emerging danger now is that the life and death consequences of the economic fallout from the pandemic will be far more severe than the virus itself.
The African continent is on the verge of sinking into its first recession in 25 years.
Sub-Saharan Africa and India are projected by World Bank analysts to be the two regions hit hardest globally in economic terms. Latest projections estimate that 26-39 million more people, many of them subsistence farmers, will be pushed into extreme poverty in sub-Saharan Africa this year.
President Paul Kagame of Rwanda, who reacted quickly to impose his country’s lockdown, has warned that some African economies could take “a generation or more” to recover without coordinated intervention.
Agricultural value chains have been badly affected by the impact of lockdowns, and not just food crops are affected. Kenya’s flower industry, for example, has been hit by the closure of markets in developed countries. More than 70,000 farmers have been laid off and it is reported that 50 tons of flowers have had to be dumped each day.
Zoumana Bamba
In the near term all this amounts to the twin threat of reduced incomes and serious food shortages, given that households buy around 50 percent of their food even in rural Africa, caused directly or exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. On top of this, devastating swarms of desert locusts in East Africa—the worst outbreak in Kenya in 70 years—combined with a year of drought and flooding have put millions of people in that region at risk of hunger and famine.
This most immediate of dangers to Africa’s food security is compounded by the longer-term trends of the fastest population and urban growth rates in the world. Africa’s urban population is projected to nearly triple between 2018 and 2050.
The United Nations International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) is working with governments and civil society to provide young people with the skills and opportunities they need and to create jobs in the agri-food system in order to safeguard food security, alleviate poverty, and contribute to social and political stability. The challenges are enormous and diverse.
IFAD is increasingly focusing its resources on young people as a priority, as successful rural transformation hinges on their inclusion in the process. It is partnering with the
nonprofit International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA), and is a key funder of a three-year project in sub-Saharan Africa which provides 80 fellowships for young Africans pursuing a master’s or doctoral degree with the focus on research in promoting youth engagement in agriculture.
Known as CARE – Enhancing Capacity to Apply Research Evidence – the program combines mentoring with training in methodology, data analysis, and scientific writing with a view to produce research evidence and recommendations for policymakers. Young and authoritative voices are being brought to the table, increasing youth representation in domestic and policy processes.
Policy briefs produced to date illustrate how researchers, including numerous young female professionals, are challenging common narratives and stereotypes. Yes, migration out of rural areas is a seemingly unstoppable trend but many young people are still engaging in the farm sector and the agri-food system, which require considerable investment.
To highlight a few examples of their recent findings:
With the youngest and fastest-growing population in the world, Africa’s still overwhelmingly rural communities will continue to grow, even as migration and urbanization increase. Investing in rural jobs and supporting millions of small-scale farming families are of paramount importance, as well as investing in improving connectivity (both physical and digital) in rural areas to support agri-food systems.
IFAD shares the vision of IITA to enhance the perception of and mindset about agri-food systems so that young people will see opportunities there for exciting and profitable businesses as consumers demand more diversity of food products. The CARE project filling those knowledge gaps is already starting to yield the relevant and thorough research needed by African communities to build food security and resilience against future shocks, and achieve rural transformation inclusive of rural youth.
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Excerpt:
Aslihan Arslan, Senior Economist, Research and Impact Assessment Division, IFAD and Zoumana Bamba, IITA Country Representative, DR Congo
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Irene Omari says that the most pressing problems women in business face includes a lack of credit. Credit: Miriam Gathigah/IPS
By Miriam Gathigah
NAIROBI, Jun 29 2020 (IPS)
Pauline Akwacha’s popular chain of eateries, famously known as Kakwacha Hangover Hotels and situated at the heart of Kisumu City’s lakeside in Kenya, is facing its most daunting challenge yet. Akwacha and other women in business across this East African nation are bracing themselves for the post-COVID-19 economy.
Strategically located at the heart of Kisumu’s bustling central business district, business at Kakwacha had always been very good. One could hardly find a seat at the eateries.
“We are known for our fresh, traditional foods, including meat and especially fish. This is the lakeside and fish is a big part of our lives. The meals are very affordable and the portions filling,” she tells IPS.
The first COVID-19 case in this East African nation was confirmed on Mar. 13. Within days the Kakwacha chain, other restaurants and the hospital industry closed as the government issued strict social distancing protocols to curb the spread of the virus.
“Now my doors are closed and am losing a lot of money because I still have to pay rent and do whatever is necessary to cushion my staff,” Akwacha says.
To reopen, Kakwacha will have to follow the strict guidelines issued by the Ministry of Health. Restaurant owners are required to pay from $20 to $40 for each staff member to undergo mandatory COVID-19 testing before reopening.
Still, without cash flow, Akwacha will find it difficult to re-open.
Across the street, Irene Omari, the sole proprietor of one of the biggest branding companies in Kisumu City and its surroundings, has similar concerns about the market post-lockdown. As a woman, she struggled to access loans to start her business.
“It is very difficult to run a business as a woman. In the beginning I could not even access credit because financial institutions did not take me seriously. I had to learn to spend 15 percent of every coin I made, and save 85 percent to plough back into the business. Women do not access loans easily because of strict collateral requirements,” Omari tells IPS.
Omari says that the most pressing problems women in business face, include a lack of credit, patriarchal stereotypes and naysayers who tell women that they cannot succeed — because they are not men.
But she succeeded despite this. Up until the lockdown, her printing and branding business occupied two large floors in a building in the lakeside city. There, she pays $1,500 in rent per month, a considerable sum that shows just how big and strategically-located her business is.
“I brand for hotels, schools, companies, non-governmental organisations and walk-in individual clients. We have something for everyone. Our printing department caters mostly to schools. I have invested heavily in mass production by purchasing machines worth millions [of Kenyan shillings],” Omari tells IPS.
But COVID-19 has also hit the very heart of her business. With schools, hotels and restaurants closed, and as companies face a most uncertain future, business is at an all-time low.
Omari has diverse business interests and also invested in a trucking business to transport construction materials across the larger Western region. But this industry has also been impacted by the lockdown.
Kenya’s gross domestic product (GDP) is projected to decelerate significantly due to COVID-19. The most recent World Bank Kenya Economic Update predicts economic growth of 1.5 to 1.0 percent in 2020. Growth focus for 2020 was estimated at 5.9 percent pre-COVID.
While COVID-19 may be the latest addition in a long list of challenges that women in business have had to endure, there are concerns that the pandemic will only widen existing economic gender inequalities.
In 2018, only a paltry 76,804 or 2.8 percent of the country’s formal sector employees earned a monthly salary in excess of 1,000 dollars. Of these employees, 36.5 percent were women, accounting for only one percent of the total formal sector employees, according to the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics.
There are no real-time statistics available yet on the impact COVID-19 has had on women in business.
But dated statistics paint a picture of the difficulties women had have to overcome.
Overall, Kenya has significantly expanded financial access and reduced financial exclusion. The number of people without access to any financial services and products reduced from 17.4 percent in 2016 to 11 percent in 2019. But while financial access gaps between men and women are narrowing, women are still lagging behind, according to the Central Bank of Kenya financial access survey of 2019.
For instance, in 2016, 80.9 percent of women-to-women business partnerships were denied loans by micro-finance institutions, according to the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics.
As such, more women in business are turning to the informal sector such as table banking or merry-go-round savings and lending groups.
“This is why investing in women and providing much-needed affirmative action support remains necessary and urgent,” Fridah Githuku, the executive director of GROOTS Kenya, tells IPS. GROOTS is a national grassroots movement led by women, which invests in women-led groups for sustainable community transformation.
So far, this Deliver For Good local partner has invested in nearly 3,500 women-led groups. Deliver For Good is a global campaign that applies a gender lens to the Sustainable Development Goals and is powered by global advocacy organisation Women Deliver.
In the agricultural sector where, according to World Bank statistics, women run three-quarters of Kenya’s farms, the government says that women’s investments in farming does not match the amount of money they receive in loans.
Currently, women still only account for 25 percent of the total loans issued by the government’s Agricultural Finance Corporation (AFC). This, experts say, is an improvement from 11 percent in 2017.
Githuku points out that previously land title deeds were a non-negotiable requirement for loans with the AFC and prevented women-led enterprises in the agricultural sector from accessing credit.
Today, women do not have to rely on land title deeds and can support their loan applications to the AFC with motor vehicle log books and cash flow statements.
But experts are concerned that these loans might come to naught as COVID-19 continues to disrupt the entire farming chain; from the acquisition of farm inputs as farmers struggle to access seeds and fertiliser, to productivity on farms, and the transportation of produce to the markets.
For now, it is a wait-and-see situation for women in business, including Akwacha and Omari, as Kenyans continue to speculate on whether the economy will fully open up anytime soon.
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Local residents of Churia, a village of some 25 families at more than 3,100 meters above sea level in the highlands of the Peruvian department of Ayacucho, are building simple dikes to fill ponds with water to irrigate their crops, water their animals and consume at home. CREDIT: Courtesy of Huñuc Mayu
By Mariela Jara
AYACUCHO, Peru, Jun 29 2020 (IPS)
A communally built small dam at almost 3,500 meters above sea level supplies water to small-scale farmer Cristina Azpur and her two young daughters in Peru’s Andes highlands, where they face water shortages exacerbated by climate change.
“We built the walls of the reservoir with stone and earth and planted ‘queñua’ trees last year in February, to absorb water,” she tells IPS by phone from her hometown of Chungui, population 4,500, located in La Mar, one of the provinces hardest hit by the violence of the Maoist group Shining Path, which triggered a 20-year civil war in the country between 1980 and 2000.
The queñua (Polylepis racemosa) is a tree native to the Andean highlands with a thick trunk that protects it from low temperatures. It is highly absorbent of rainwater and is considered sacred by the Quechua indigenous people.
In Chungui and other Andes highlands municipalities populated by Quechua Indians in the southwestern department of Ayacucho, the native tree species has been the main input for the recovery and preservation of water sources.
Eutropia Medina, president of the board of directors of Huñuc Mayu (which means “meeting of rivers” in Quechua), an NGO that has been working for 15 years to promote the rights of people living in rural communities in the region, one of the country’s poorest, explains how the trees are used.
Women from several Andean highlands communities in Ayacucho, Peru, have played a very active role in harvesting water, including protecting the headwaters of streams. In the picture, a group of women and girls are involved in a community activity in Oronccoy, a village about 3,200 meters above sea level. CREDIT: Courtesy of Huñuc Mayu
“The women and men have planted more than 10,000 queñua trees in the different communities as part of their plan to harvest water,” she tells IPS in Ayacucho, the regional capital. “These are techniques handed down from their ancestors that we have helped revive to boost their agricultural and animal husbandry activities, which are their main livelihood.”
Medina, previously director of the NGO, explains that the acceleration of climate change in recent years, due to the unregulated exploitation of natural resources, has generated an imbalance in highland ecosystems, increasing greenhouse gases and fuelling deglaciation and desertification.
The resultant water shortages have been particularly difficult for women, who are in charge of domestic responsibilities and supplying water, while also working in the fields.
Huñuc Mayu, with the support of the national office of Diakonia, a faith-based Swedish development organisation, has provided training and technical assistance to strengthen water security in these rural Andean highland communities where the main activities are small-scale farming and livestock raising.
The queñua, one of the most cold-resistant trees in the world, is native to the high plains of the Andes, and is culturally valued by the Quechua indigenous people. It is a great climate regulator, controls erosion and stores a large amount of water, which filters into the soil and from there nourishes the springs of the Andean highlands. CREDIT: Esteban Vera/Flickr
This is an area that has recently been repopulated after two decades in which families fled the internal conflict, during which Ayacucho accounted for 40 percent of all victims.
“Huñuc Mayu helped organise the returnees and people who had remained in the communities, and we promoted the planting of fruit trees and connections to markets,”
She explains that “in this process more water and technical forms of irrigation were needed, so through a water fund the communities created projects for the conservation of basins and micro-basins in the area.”
The impact is significant, she points out, because in the past families depended on the rains for their water supply and during the dry season and times of drought they had a very difficult time because they could not irrigate their crops or water their animals.
Denisse Chavez is gender officer at the Peruvian office of Diakonia, a Swedish organisation that promotes rights in vulnerable communities around the world. In Peru it partnered with the NGO Huñuc Mayu to revive ancestral knowledge of the Quechua communities of the Andean highlands and thus strengthen water security for local inhabitants. CREDIT: Mariela Jara/IPS
Today, things have changed.
Churia, a village of just 25 families at more than 3,100 meters above sea level, in the district of Vinchos, is another community that has promoted solutions to address the water shortage problem.
Oliver Cconislla, 23, lives there with his wife Maximiliana Llacta and their four-year-old son. The family depends on small-scale farming and animal husbandry.A complex, integral and sustainable solution
The NGO Huñuc Mayu is strengthening water security by reviving ancient indigenous techniques for harvesting water from streams in the highlands department of Ayacucho. The work is being carried out in that area to ensure sustainability, because it is where the rivers emerge and where water must be retained to benefit families in the middle and lower basins, the institution's director, Alberto Chacchi, an expert on the subject, tells IPS.
"It's a complex system that not only involves containing water in ponds but also recuperating natural pastures that capture water when it rains and form wetlands and springs, building rustic dikes to contain water in ponds, planting native tree species and conserving the soil," he says.
To illustrate, he mentions Alpaccocha, which was a high-altitude wetland that dried up when there was no rainfall. But since the village of Churia built a dam it has become a pond containing 57,000 cubic meters of water.
The total cost including communal labour has been 20,000 soles - about 5,700 dollars. "A reservoir of that size would have cost the state three million soles (854,000 dollars) because it would use conventional technology that also alters ecosystems and would not be sustainable," he says.
In order for local families to use water from the pond, two pipes with a valve have been placed in the dike, and the valve opens when rainfall is low, letting the water run out as a stream so people can place hoses downhill and use it for sprinkler irrigation. Communal authorities manage the system to ensure equitable distribution.
Each dike also has diversion channels at both ends that allow excess water to flow out once the pond is full, thus keeping moist the wetlands that used to dry out at the end of the rainy season.
“Here we depend on the alpaca, using its meat to feed and nourish the children, making jerky (dried meat, ‘charki’ in Quechua) to store it, and when we have enough food we sell to the market. We spin the wool, weave it and sell it too,” he tells IPS over the phone.
His family has been able to count on grass and drinking water – absolutely vital to their livelihood – for their 50 alpacas and 15 sheep thanks to work by the organised community.
“We have been working to harvest water for three years,” he says. “We’ve built dikes, we’ve been separating off the ponds and planting queñua trees on the slopes of the hill. Last year I was a local authority and we worked hand in hand with Huñuc Mayu.”
Cconislla reports that they dammed six ponds using local materials such as grass, soil and clay – “only materials we found in the ground.” They also fenced off the queñua plantations.
“Now when there is no rain we are no longer sad or worried because we have the ponds. The dam keeps the water from running out, and when it fills up it spills over the banks, creating streams that run down to where the animals drink so they have permanent pasture; that area stays humid even during times of drought,” he says.
In addition to these ecosystem services, trout have been stocked in one of the ponds to provide food for families, especially children. “As a community we manage these resources so that they are maintained over time for the benefit of us and the children who will come,” he states.
Cristina Azpur, 46, has no animals, but she does have crops that need irrigation. She runs the household and the farm with the help of her two daughters, ages 11 and 13, when they are not in school, because she does not have a husband, “since it is better to be alone than in bad company,” she says, laughing.
For her and the other families living in houses scattered around the community of Chungui, the dam ensures that they have the water they need to grow their crops and raise their livestock, she says.
“I am about to plant potatoes, olluco (Ullucus tuberosus, a tuber whose leaves are also eaten), and oca (another tuber). This month of June we have had a small campaign (special planting of some crops between May and July), and we use water from the reservoir to ensure our food supply, which is the most important thing to stay healthy,” she says proudly.
She politely adds that she cannot continue talking because she must help her daughters, who study remotely through programmes broadcast on public television, due to the lockdown in place in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
In the neighbouring town of Oronccoy, home to some 60 families and founded in 2016, Natividad Ccoicca, 53, also grows her vegetables with water from a community-built reservoir.
She and her family, who live at an altitude of over 3,300 meters, have been part of an experience that has substantially improved their quality of life.
“It used to be very hard to fetch water,” she tells IPS. “We had to walk long distances and even take the horses to carry the containers that we filled at the springs. Now with the reservoir we have water for the farm, the animals and our own consumption.”
She also explains that because of the measures to curb the spread of COVID-19 there is greater demand for water in homes. “Can you imagine how things would be for us without the reservoir? We would have a higher risk of getting sick, that’s for sure,” she says.
Women and men work communally to install hoses and irrigate their crops using a sprinkler system, and also for human consumption, in Oronccoy, a village of 60 families in the Peruvian Andes highlands. CREDIT: Courtesy of Huñuc Mayu
These experiences of harvesting water are part of Huñuc Mayu’s integral proposal for the management of hydrographic basins using Andean techniques in synergy with low-cost conventional technologies to strengthen water security.
Medina highlights the involvement of the communities and the active participation of women, who in the Quechua worldview have a close link with water.
“We see important achievements by the communities themselves and the local people,” she says. “For example, the water supply has expanded in response to the demands of agricultural production and human consumption.”
Medina adds that “women have been active participants in protecting the sources of water and the work involved in raising livestock has been reduced to the benefit of their health. These are major contributions that improve the quality of life of families” in this historically neglected part of Peru.
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