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Credit: United Nations

By Nyada Bryant, Zuleyha Cite and Martin Edwards
NEW JERSEY, USA, Jun 6 2025 (IPS)

On April 16, Seton Hall University’s School of Diplomacy and International Relations hosted UN General Assembly President Philemon Yang as part of its World Leader Forum.

President Yang emphasized the enduring relevance of the three pillars of the United Nations—peace and security, human rights, and development—and the promising future that the students possessed. His confident remarks were a stark contrast to both the rhetoric surrounding the UN as well as the pressures put on it by the Trump administration.

Multilateralism was built on the rocky foundations of political unrest, which made the United Nations a lighthouse for the international community. However, the storm confronting the UN has only worsened in recent months.

President Yang’s conversation with Diplomacy students underscored that despite the challenges, the UN system has proven to be more flexible and adaptable than critics suggest.

The UN’s inbox is a challenging one due to events such as the after-effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and the conflict in Gaza. Russia’s Security Council vetoes have been met with criticism by the General Assembly, and Gaza has been a similarly polarizing event.

Israeli delegates alleged that members of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency assisted in the October 7th strike on Israel, while Palestinian officials condemned the International Court of Justice for not calling for a ceasefire. Deepening political divisions between countries have doubtless complicated the work of the UN.

At the same time, political polarization between UN member states is mirrored by a partisan divide within the US public. According to a 2024 Pew Research study, 78% of Democrats saw a benefit in UN membership, compared to 42% of Republicans.

Additionally, only 31% of Democrats saw a decrease in the UN’s influence, whereas 42% of Republicans differed. The UN’s challenge has grown with the new administration, as its efforts to cut funding have replaced multilateralism with nationalism.

Recent efforts to ask Congress to reduce previously appropriated money to WHO, UNRWA, and UN peacekeeping are emblematic of a broader trend in which the UN is asked to work with less.

The Secretary-General’s developing response to the UN’s financial challenges, known as UN 80, is not without critics. The plan aims to identify efficiencies, review mandates from Member States, and propose a deeper set of program realignments.

While reducing ongoing turf battles between UN peace operations and UN political and peacebuilding affairs would certainly be laudable, there are natural questions, just as there are with any reform, over how much is just pure cost-cutting and how much is efficiency-improving.

The prevalence of leaks and communications problems along with limited voices of SIDS, NGOS and LDCs surrounding UN 80 is indicative of the challenge any reform faces, especially one that focuses on reducing personnel costs.

Despite these challenges, President Yang made a case for optimism about the UN. His case had three elements. First, President Yang stressed the importance of the General Assembly as the most representative, deliberative body of the organization, which has 193 member states.

It stands out from other international organizations as the only one that can bring together member countries under the same roof and provide an environment for diplomacy and solutions.

The centrality of the General Assembly led President Yang to his second point, recapping the past history of reform to underscore that the UN has risen to challenges in the past. Kofi Annan’s In Larger Freedom, the 2000 Millennium Summit, the Brahimi Report, and the 2006 Creation of the Human Rights Council, and others have proven that the UN is transformable.

The General Assembly has, in turn, historically helped the UN to be a functioning organization. As President Yang claimed in paraphrasing Dag Hammarskjöld, ”We are not in heaven, but we are not in hell either.”

Finally, this reform agenda has continued with the Pact for the Future, which was adopted by heads of state and government in New York in September 2024. It presents a multilateral system seeking to be more just, more inclusive, and more effective.

The pact’s two main annexes prioritize youth and future generations to ensure that we act with tomorrow in mind and to infuse the United Nations’ work with long-term thinking. For President Yang, the Pact is a crucial sign that the UN is committed to overcoming structural and functional obstacles that reduce its efficiency.

His optimism towards the reform stems from the potential of the Pact for the Future to modify international cooperation according to present realities and revitalize multilateralism. And it is worth stressing that the Pact for the Future predated the change of US administration, showing that the UN is capable of rising to the challenge.

The UN may be facing a crisis moment. However, it is certainly not ending. It is shifting and evolving, as it has in the past, as a response to emerging trends put forward by member states. The ongoing international conflicts unveil the need for inclusive approaches to diplomacy, global cooperation, and multilateralism. Only the UN can make these inclusive approaches a reality.

Nyada Bryant is a graduate student at Seton Hall University’s School of Diplomacy and International Relations, where she specializes on negotiations and foreign policy. She serves as an executive member of two campus organizations and strives to make a difference.

Zuleyha Cite is a graduate student at the Seton Hall University School of Diplomacy and International Relations, specializing in International Organizations, International Peace & Security, and UN Studies. She serves as a Graduate Assistant in the School of Diplomacy and is an active student in leadership initiatives on campus who aims to make a meaningful impact.

Martin Edwards is a Professor and Associate Dean at Seton Hall University’s School of Diplomacy and International Relations.

IPS UN Bureau

 

‘J Hunter Pearls Fiji: Savusavu Community Edible Pearl Oyster Farms’ project is an environmentally sustainable, community-owned and -operated aquaculture aimed at alleviating poverty in Fiji communities and building sustainable use of ocean resources. Credit: UNDP Fiji
 
The third United Nations Ocean Conference (UNOC 3), scheduled to take place in Nice, France from 9-13 June, will bring together Heads of State, scientists, civil society and business leaders around a single goal: to halt the silent collapse of the planet's largest – and arguably most vital – ecosystem.

By Francine Pickup
NEW YORK, Jun 6 2025 (IPS)

The ocean is far more than a vast expanse of water; it is a cornerstone of life and a critical driver of sustainable development. The intricate relationship between human development and the ocean underscores why ocean governance and sustainability are pivotal to global progress. Its significance becomes particularly evident in Small Island Developing States (SIDS), where the ocean is not just a resource but an intrinsic part of identity and survival.

Custodians of some of the world’s largest Exclusive Economic Zones— SIDS protect vast ocean and coastal areas, home to 20% of all plant, bird and reptile species. Many have designated large parts of their national waters into marine protected areas, positioning themselves as leaders in global conservation. These natural assets form the backbone of their economies in ocean-dependent sectors such as tourism and fisheries. Yet these nations are also on the frontlines of climate change.

Rising sea levels, increasingly severe weather events, accelerating environmental degradation are not distant threats – they are today’s reality. And yet, despite this future-smart, holistic approach to their development, these countries are trapped in a vicious cycle of indebtedness, undermining their ability to plan and prepare for climate-induced shocks that will undoubtedly come.

A Sea of Solutions

SIDS were instrumental in securing the 1.5° degrees global warming threshold in the Paris Agreement, a testament to their foresight of the urgency we all will face. They lead the world in implementing bold, integrated solutions that tackle multiple challenges of conserving and sustainably using their ocean and coastal resources, promoting renewable energy, fostering digital and local capacity and creating jobs.

The Fourth International Conference on SIDS (May 2024) and the adoption of the Antigua and Barbuda Agenda for SIDS (ABAS) charts a ten-year roadmap to scale climate and biodiversity action, increase conservation and promote sustainable ocean use, with resilience at its core. SIDS make important contributions to implementing global environmental accords including the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework (KMGBF), the Paris Agreement and the UNCCD Strategic Framework, all of which prioritize action to save the ocean and reduce marine and land-based drivers of degradation.

The Rising Up for SIDS – a forward-looking strategy to outline a transformative vision for the next decade, builds on nearly 60 years of collaboration between UNDP and the SIDS and a partnership with Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) ensuring that SIDS’ specific needs are met in policy and practice.

As the world leaders gather for the Third United Nations Ocean Conference in Nice, (June 9-13) SIDS will offer innovative and scalable solutions to global environmental and development challenges and show how they are at the forefront of ocean-positive strategies,. It is critical that the world listens. Here are the three key lessons SIDs bring:

1. The Ocean is a Catalyst for Human Development

For SIDS, the ocean is not a boundary: it is life itself. Small-scale fisheries provide food and livelihoods for millions. Marine and coastal tourism drives much of their GDP. Blue carbon ecosystems like mangroves, seagrasses and salt marshes, sequester carbon, buffer coastlines, and host diverse species. The ocean’s vast genetic and biological wealth offers untapped potential for future medicines, sustainable industries, and climate adaptation.

In SIDS, ocean action is inseparable from economic development. Escalating environmental threats aggravate economic insecurities. Harnessing the ocean economy enables sustainable growth and diversification for food security, tourism, trade and climate resilience.

But SIDS cannot do it alone. Global partnerships and international finance are essential to support SIDS unlock the full potential of their marine resources, ensuring inclusive, equitable development that leaves no one behind.

2. Integrated Solutions are needed to address Interconnected Challenges

Sea level rise, ecosystem degradation and economic vulnerability are not separate problems. Neither are their solutions. In SIDS, efforts to restore and protect coastal ecosystems also support sustainable tourism and sustainable fishing. Expanding opportunities drive human development, bringing jobs and economic prosperity within planetary boundaries.

‘Whole of island’ approaches offer a powerful model for sustainable development. These strategies align decarbonization with community empowerment, protect biodiversity while expanding opportunity and security, and build on traditional and local knowledge as a foundation for innovation.

SIDS are showing the wider world how to cope and solve multiple, interconnected challenges that demand integrated solutions for people and prosperity – with the ocean at the heart.

3. Innovation is the Accelerator

SIDS are testing and scaling innovative ocean-based solutions that can be replicated globally. Many islands are today incubating new and investable ocean-based solutions that can be scaled up to support successful transitions to ocean-positive economic sectors and centers of excellence, both in the islands themselves and to the benefit of countries beyond.

Seychelles launched the world’s first ‘blue bond’ to finance marine conservation. In Cuba, nature-based solutions are reversing the degradation of the Sabana-Camagüey ecosystem. In the Maldives, local communities have successfully banned single-use plastics. The new GEF-financed, UNDP-led Blue & Green Islands initiative is taking this work further.

Designed specifically for SIDS, it promotes nature-based solutions across three key economic sectors: urban development, food production, and tourism. It is the first of its kind—focused on systems-level transformation that delivers global environmental benefits while advancing sustainable development.

Innovative partnerships that crowd in public, private and philanthropic capital, like the Global Fund for Coral Reefs, are also attracting and de-risking private sector investment into local businesses to protect and restore coral ecosystems. These new initiatives are already inspiring similar models in other countries.

SIDS for Ocean Action

As global leaders gather in Nice for the third UN Ocean Conference and at the upcoming Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development, (30 June-July 3) the message is clear: the world must rally behind SIDS to scale up the solutions they are already pioneering. By supporting their leadership, we create new ‘oceans of opportunity’ where people and planet can thrive together and where the path to sustainable development is swept forward by the oceans that touch every coastline in SIDs and beyond.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Excerpt:

Francine Pickup is Deputy Assistant Administrator and Deputy Director of Bureau for Policy and Programme Support, UNDP New York.

CIVICUS Global Alliance Secretary-General Mandeep Tiwana speaks at the SDG 16 High-Level Conference in May 2024. Credit: Mandeep Tiwana/CIVICUS Global Alliance

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS / NEW YORK, Jun 5 2025 (IPS)

On June 1, CIVICUS Global Alliance, announced the appointment of Mandeep Tiwana as its new Secretary-General. With his tenure underway, Tiwana sat down with an IPS correspondent to discuss CIVICUS’s work in promoting civic freedom and solidarity in an increasingly autonomy-restrictive world.

Throughout his career, Tiwana has been an advocate for human rights, civic and democratic freedoms, sustainability, and inclusivity. He previously oversaw CIVICUS’ policy and research department. When asked about what he would like to accomplish during his tenure as Secretary-General, Tiwana stated that he would like to focus on fostering a worldwide community of engaged, empowered citizens able to come together to confront the challenges facing humanity such as violent conflict, inequality, environmental degradation, discrimination and authoritarianism.

“On one hand, you have several conflicts happening around the world where opposing forces are committing war crimes, crimes against humanity and even genocide with impunity. I’d definitely like to reinforce the respect for international norms and the rule of law,” said Tiwana. “We are living in a time of searing inequality caused by flawed economic systems. It’s a travesty that there are individuals with immense wealth who can afford to send rockets up into space for entertainment while 750 million people go to bed hungry every night. We have global military spending topping 2.7 trillion dollars while tens of millions are struggling to afford the basic necessities of life.”

CIVICUS promotes civic space, in which people come together to shape the political, economic, and social structures around them. CIVICUS uses several approaches including participatory research, policy analysis, strategic convenings, targeted advocacy, coalition building and emergency resourcing to defend civic space from authoritarian actors around the world.

According to Tiwana, approximately 7 in 10 people worldwide live in severely repressed civic space conditions where uncovering corruption, exposing human rights violations or seeking transformational change in society can lead to serious forms of persecution.

With authoritarianism on the rise around the world, the need to defend civic freedoms is more crucial than ever before. Tiwana remarked that millions of people around the world are currently being denied the agency to shape the decisions that impact their lives. He noted that authoritarianism is rife in countries such as China, Russia, El Salvador, Venezuela, Afghanistan, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Eritrea and Vietnam. Even countries with democratic traditions such as India and the United States are not immune from the march of authoritarianism. Moreover, authoritarianism and patriarchy go hand in hand which can also erode hard-won gains in gender justice.

Through CIVICUS’s work, Tiwana aims to bring together a diverse array of civil society actors to ensure that no one is left behind. “We work with multilateral institutions, grassroots activists, and organizations to highlight injustices and raise awareness of discrimination against excluded peoples,” he said. “We provide moral support and solidarity to those who are fighting for justice so they know that they are not alone.”

In March, CIVICUS added the United States to its list of countries experiencing serious declines in civic freedoms on the CIVICUS Monitor, a participatory platform that collects and analyzes data from multiple sources on civic freedoms around the globe. The United States was included in the Watchlist due to the Trump administration’s efforts to limit equity, diversity, democracy, global cooperation, and the rule of law.

This watchlist, which is published and updated every six months, features countries facing serious declines and is meant to serve as an “early warning to the international community”, Tiwana explained. He added, “the United States was included in our current watchlist due to rapid erosion of civic space conditions in the country. Senior government officials actively intimidate those who don’t agree with their worldview or their political agendas. History shows us that when international norms are not followed, it leads to impunity, criminality and mass persecution of people by autocrats with disastrous consequences.”

Tiwana went on to add that major points of concern in the United States include limitations on the freedom of speech, the right to peaceful protest, and the abrupt slashing of funding for NGOs and foreign aid, all of which have had severely detrimental consequences for people in vulnerable situations in the United States and abroad. “As the world’s largest economy the United States has historically been the one that benefits the most from international trade, as it is the major trading partner for most countries in the world. When the U.S. provides foreign aid to civil society, it helps promote stability, respect for fundamental freedoms, and social cohesion around the world which ultimately benefits its economy. With the US withdrawing from its established foreign policy priorities to promote human rights and democracy, solidarity around the world will suffer.”

On January 20, President Trump signed an executive order for the U.S.’s withdrawal from the World Health Organization (WHO), which elicited concerns of reduced global health cooperation from a host of humanitarian organizations. Tiwana opined that the U.S.’s withdrawal poses significant risks for global health and security. “We urge countries that support international cooperation and the United States in particular not to arbitrarily withdraw from international institutions. The United States has a moral responsibility to ensure the health and wellbeing of the people around the world from whose markets the U.S. economy profits from. This will endanger the lives of vulnerable populations,” he said.

The United Nations is an integral force for protecting civic freedoms through its support to civil society, facilitating accountability-seeking measures, and maintaining international law. As it undergoes key structural reforms and restructuring under the UN80 initiative, it is worth considering what role NGOs can play in this process. Tiwana told IPS that CIVICUS has been focused on advocating for more inclusive and democratic changes. He reminded that civil society groups played key roles in shaping some of the UN’s signature achievements, such as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the Paris Agreement and the Treaty of Enforced Disappearances. This can only be possible as long as civil society participation is protected in the UN and beyond.

“For all intents and purposes the United Nations is the secular conscience of the world. Hence, its leadership is expected at all times to act with good faith, professional integrity and principled courage…the UN’s top decision makers have impeded the institution from achieving its full potential, by resorting to bureaucratic ways of functioning, submission to perceived political realities and personal ambition,” Tiwana said.

“The current frustration expressed by UN staff about lack of consultation and transparency by the UN’s leadership is a symptom of a much larger problem that pervades the institution, including of not taking responsibility for one’s own failures and seeking to place the blame wholly on the belligerent actions of UN member states.”

Among the calls for reform, there are calls for leadership to protect gender equality, as evidenced in the campaign calling for the next UN secretary-general to be a woman. When asked, Tiwana said that CIVICUS would support the appointment of a female UN secretary-general. He further highlighted that appointing a woman would reflect increased inclusivity within the UN, feminist ideals, and diverse leadership for future generations.

“Having a woman Secretary-General is absolutely essential in exemplifying feminist values, empathy, and solidarity. We believe that the process should be fair and transparent. We urge member states that are putting forward candidates to put forward female ones, particularly a female candidate that is most aligned with UN values, especially the four principles articulated in the UN Charter,” said Tiwana.

The existence of civic freedoms is vital for active citizens and civil society organizations to build momentum for vital action to address the worsening climate crisis, which is known to detrimentally affect public health and impair development gains. Excessive reliance on fossil fuels, unsustainable mining practices, and overconsumption are creating a host of environmental and economic disparities that are negatively impacting impoverished communities and exacerbating inequality. This has a negative impact on civic spaces worldwide due to tight overlaps between political and economic elites.

“We continue to highlight the promise of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which despite the fact that they were adopted by all UN member states in 2015 have experienced limited progress,” Tiwana said. “We believe that emphasis on realizing SDG 16, which is on peace, justice, and strong institutions, can catalyze action towards achievement of the SDGs. Policy makers have an important role to play in identifying the root causes of lack of progress on SDGs. That said, lasting change will only come through citizen mobilization that forces decision-makers to act.”

 

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres briefs reporters on the UN80 Initiative on the restructuring of the world body. Credit: United Nations

By Laura Johnson and Ian Richards
GENEVA, Jun 5 2025 (IPS)

Like you, we attended last week’s townhall where UN High Commissioner (for Human Rights) Volker Turk presented his latest plans for moving staff out of headquarters. We note that this project has been carried out without adequate consultation with the staff union. The key points we learned and which we are concerned about:

• It’s expensive: It will involve the move of 120 staff. We conservatively estimate the cost of relocation or indemnities at $12 million. We did not hear any figures to show whether the moves will justify the cost in the long run.

Volker Turk

• It’s mandate is unclear: Volker Turk claims that the General Assembly backed his project. Reading the relevant resolution, it is not clear how he inferred this.

• The justification is questionable: The main reason given was increased demand for OHCHR’s physical presence within countries. We would like to see the letters from governments requesting this. Instead, we hear from you that governments are generally less keen on OHCHR presence, are delaying visas and discouraging meetings on the ground with civil society.

• It’s being rushed unnecessarily: Staff may have mere months to move. One Director told her staff that if they didn’t like it, they could leave, despite the initial management rhetoric of ‘moving posts not people’. We don’t understand the urgency. For UN 80 the current plan is for moves to take place in summer 2026. In addition, if UN 80 results in human rights activities from other entities being merged with OHCHR, new changes might be necessary and such moves might prove premature and unjustified.

• Personal considerations are not taken into account: staff with special constraints have not been listened to, despite this being a key element of the UN’s overall mobility policy. There has been no compendium developed and management has not informed staff on how to contest a move if necessary.

• It copies UNHCR without learning the lessons: UNHCR also expanded regional offices to embellish the organigramme. With the financial crisis, these middle layer offices, neither headquarters nor field, are seen as a luxury, reminiscent of an empire-building past, and are being downsized. Repeating the same mistake at OHCHR carries risks for staff. At the same time OHCHR is a normative entity not an operational one that requires regular mandatory rotation. In the last three years, Volker Turk’s vision appears to have shifted from the former to the latter.

• Questions about conflicts of interest persist: There will be expansion at the Vienna regional field office, which has triggered allegations of favouritism. We have received concerns from you and would appreciate clarification from management on the ethical guardrails used.

We understand that this restructuring will make the careers of some, and we wish them well. But this is being done at huge expense to many on the basis of unclear reasons and objectives that may raise sustainability questions in the future.

Many of you have been in touch about the personal costs these sudden changes will have and the harm you believe it will do to the Office.

In the last few years, human rights around the world have been taking a turn for the worse. We call on Volker Turk and member states to make sure that OHCHR is strengthened rather than being weakened through wasting money, moving staff for the sake of moving, modelling OHCHR after a humanitarian agency, and splashing $12 million on empire-building.

We also call on Volker Turk to treat his staff with the dignity that all human beings deserve in the workplace. This includes hearing each staff member’s concerns with care and attention.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Excerpt:

Laura Johnson is Executive Secretary and Ian Richards is President of the UN Staff Union in Geneva-- in a message to OHCHR staff.

Villagers are running out of adaptation options like the building of seawalls, as seen here in Tarawa, Kiribati. Credit: Lauren Day/World Bank

By IPS Correspondent
JOHANNESBURG, Jun 5 2025 (IPS)

The South-West Pacific experienced unprecedented warming in 2024, according to a World Meteorological Organization (WMO) report released today (June 5)—threatening islands in a region where half the population lives close to the coast.

The State of the Climate in the South-West Pacific 2024 Report said that sea-surface temperatures were the highest on record, and ocean heat content was at near-record levels in 2024. Nearly 40 million km² (15.4 million square miles), an area almost the size of the Asian continent, was affected by marine heatwaves.

On land, extreme heat and rainfall caused deadly and devastating impacts. A record-breaking streak of tropical cyclones hit the Philippines, while the last remaining tropical glacier in Indonesia’s New Guinea headed closer to extinction, the WMO said in a statement.

“2024 was the warmest year on record in the South-West Pacific region. Ocean heat and acidification combined to inflict long-lasting damage to marine ecosystems and economies. Sea-level rise is an existential threat to entire island nations. It is increasingly evident that we are fast running out of time to turn the tide,” said WMO Secretary-General Prof. Celeste Saulo.

The report was to coincide with the Global Platform on Disaster Risk Reduction 2025 in Geneva and ahead of the 2025 UN Ocean Conference.

However, the report also highlighted how strengthened early warning systems and Anticipatory Action in the Philippines enabled communities to prepare and respond to the back-to-back typhoons in 2024. This helped to protect lives and livelihoods and ensure dignified, timely support for vulnerable communities.

During a press briefing on the report, Catherine Jones, Disaster Resilience Officer from the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), gave some detail of how “anticipatory action protocols” assisted a community in the Bicol Region on an island called Catanduanes. On November 13, 2024, the fifth cyclone in the region intensified into a super typhoon (category 5), and a warning was issued that it would make landfall on the 16th. The organization supported 2,800 households with multi-purpose cash to protect their livelihoods, and the early warning system also enabled these households to evacuate and secure their boats.

“When we went back to speak with various fisherfolk who received the support, they said to us, because they received the warnings before the event, they were able to get back onto the water one week after the sediment and all the ocean had settled; they were able to jump straight back into their livelihood and provide for their families.”

The WMO says that this example exemplifies the value of the Early Warnings for All (EW4All) initiative, which is one of WMO’s top strategic priorities, even though the report says 50,000 Pacific Islanders face the risk of displacement due to climate change.

2024 was the warmest year on record in the South-West Pacific region, at approximately 0.48 °C above the 1991–2020 average. Credit: WMO

Key highlights of the report include:

• 2024 was the warmest year on record in the South-West Pacific region, at approximately 0.48 °C above the 1991–2020 average. This was associated with the continued influence from the 2023/2024 El Niño event.
• The southern coast of Australia, northern New Zealand, and many Pacific Islands all suffered precipitation deficits.
• Parts of Malaysia, Indonesia, the northern Philippines, northern Australia, eastern Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and southern New Zealand saw above-average rainfall.
• Extreme rainfall and flooding caused deadly and destructive impacts across the region, with major events in Australia, New Zealand, Fiji, Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines disrupting communities, infrastructure, and economies.
• The late 2024 tropical cyclone season in the Philippines was unprecedented, with 12 storms from September to November — more than double the average. Across the entire sequence, over 13 million people were impacted in 17 of the country’s 18 regions, with more than 1.4 million displaced.
• In Indonesia, glacier ice loss continued rapidly in 2024, with the total ice area in the western part of New Guinea declining by 30-50% since 2022, according to satellite estimates. If this rate persists, total ice loss is expected in 2026 or very soon thereafter.
• Most of the ocean area of the South-West Pacific region was affected by marine heatwaves of strong, severe, or extreme intensity during 2024. During the months of January, April, May, and June 2024, nearly 40 million km² of the region’s ocean was impacted, marking a record high since records began in 1993.

Sea Level Rise in the Pacific Islands

Communities on the Pacific Islands face difficult decisions about staying in high-risk areas or relocating to secure their futures.

“Villagers are running out of adaptation options, with the building of seawalls, plantation of mangroves, and improvement of drainage systems no longer being viable,” the report says, giving an example from the Government of Fiji, which has offered support for the islanders to relocate. However, many choose to stay because of the concept of “vanua,” which translates literally to “land,” embodying the profound connection between the Indigenous communities and their ancestral lands.

Delegates address a press conference at the launch of the WMO State of the Climate in South-West Pacific 2024 Report.

During a press briefing on the report, UNFCCC’s  Juhi Bansal described the daily life of people living on Sarawak Island.

“Since 2000, rising sea levels have caused severe coastal erosion, flooding, and seawater intrusion-crops have failed. Homes have been submerged and sea walls have been repeatedly destroyed in two extreme flooding events,” she said. “Boats have been used to traverse the island. Villagers now build planks between homes and they dock boats at their doors during high tide. The villages have tried every adaptation measure available. They’ve built sea walls, tried mangrove restoration, and even crop relocation to the mainland, but these are all temporary solutions. With each king tide, Sira Island inches closer to being uninhabitable.”

Bansal said the report comes at a pivotal moment when the world prepares for the next generation of Nationally Determined Contributions, known as NCD 3.0 and countries have been asked to put in place National Adaptation Plans (NAPs).

“The dual task of deepening ambition while also ensuring development priorities are met is complex, but it is possible, especially with strong partnerships, shared commitment, and sustained political will. The case studies today demonstrate that we must scale up finance support for locally led mitigation and adaptation and ensure that relocation, when necessary, is done with dignity, cultural sensitivity, and the buy-in of local communities.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Related Articles

• South-West Pacific Communities Threatened by Ocean Heat, Sea-Level Rise
• UNOC3: Bringing Ocean Education and Science to the Global Agenda
• Global Push to Protect Oceans Gains Momentum Ahead of UN Conference in Nice

Credit: Zed Jameson/Anadolu via Getty Images

By Inés M. Pousadela
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Jun 5 2025 (IPS)

For decades, Portugal stood as a beacon of democratic stability in an increasingly unsettled Europe. While neighbours grappled with political fragmentation and the rise of far-right movements, Portugal maintained its two-party system, a testament to the enduring legacy of the 1974 Carnation Revolution that peacefully transitioned the country from dictatorship to democracy. It was long believed that Portugal’s extensive pre-revolution experience of repressive right-wing rule had effectively inoculated it against far-right politics, but that assumption is now demonstrable outdated. An era of exceptionalism ended on 18 May, when the far-right Chega party secured 22.8 per cent of the vote and 60 parliamentary seats, becoming the country’s main opposition force.

This represents more than an electoral upset; it marks the collapse of five decades of democratic consensus and Portugal’s reluctant entry into the European mainstream of political polarisation. Chega could hold the balance of power. The centre-right Democratic Alliance, led by Prime Minister Luís Montenegro, won the most parliamentary seats, but fell far short of the 116 needed for a majority. Meanwhile, the Socialist Party, which governed from 2015 to 2024, suffered its worst defeat since the 1980s, relegated to third place by a party that’s only six years old.

Chega’s meteoric rise from just 1.3 per cent of the vote and one seat in 2019 to its role as today’s main opposition demonstrates how quickly political landscapes can shift when mainstream parties fail to address people’s fundamental concerns. The roots of the transformation lie in a toxic combination of economic pressure and political failure that has systematically eroded public confidence in the political establishment.

Portugal has endured three elections in under four years, a sign of its novel state of chronic instability. The immediate trigger for the latest election was the collapse of Montenegro’s government following a confidence vote, with opposition parties citing concerns over potential conflicts of interest involving his family business. This followed the previous Socialist government’s fall in November 2023 amid corruption investigations, creating a recurring cycle of scandal, government crisis and electoral upheaval.

The political turmoil unfolds against a backdrop of mounting social challenges that mainstream parties have failed to adequately address. Despite its economy growing by 1.9 per cent in 2024, well above the European Union average, Portugal faces a severe housing crisis that has become the defining issue for many voters, particularly those from younger generations. Portugal now has the worst housing access rates of all 38 OECD countries, with house prices more than doubling over the past decade.

In Lisbon, rents have jumped by 65 per cent since 2015, making the capital the world’s third least financially viable city due to its punishing combination of soaring housing costs and traditionally low wages. This crisis, driven by tourism, foreign investment and short-term rentals, has pushed property ownership beyond most people’s reach, creating widespread frustration with governments perceived as ineffective or indifferent to everyday struggles.

Immigration has provided another flashpoint. The number of legal migrants tripled from under half a million in 2018 to over 1.5 million in 2025. This rapid demographic change has fuelled populist narratives about uncontrolled migration and its alleged impact on housing and employment markets. It was precisely these grievances that Chega, led by former TV commentator André Ventura, expertly exploited.

As an outsider party untainted by association with the cycle of scandals and governmental collapses, Chega positioned itself as the defender of ‘western civilisation’ and channelled anti-establishment anger into electoral success. It combines promises to combat corruption and limit immigration with a defence of what it characterises as traditional Portuguese values, including through extreme criminal justice policies such as chemical castration for repeat sexual offenders.

Despite Ventura’s insistence that Chega simply advocates equal treatment without ‘special privileges’, the party’s ranks include white supremacists and admirers of former dictator António Salazar. Its openly racist approach to immigration and hostility towards women, LGBTQI+ people, Muslims and Roma people reflects a familiar far-right playbook that has proven successful across Europe. Chega has cultivated significant connections with Marine Le Pen’s National Rally in France, Germany’s Alternative for Germany, and Spain’s Vox party, and Ventura was among the European far-right leaders invited to Donald Trump’s inauguration.

Montenegro has so far refused to work with Chega, which he has publicly characterised as demagogic, racist and xenophobic – a rejection that may have inadvertently strengthened Chega’s anti-establishment credentials. However, the arithmetic of Portugal’s fractured parliament suggests that any significant policy initiatives will require either Socialist abstention or, more controversially, Chega support, creating new opportunities for far-right influence, particularly on criminal justice and immigration policies.

Portugal’s experience offers sobering evidence that far-right influence should no longer be viewed as a passing fad but rather as an established feature of contemporary European politics. The speed of the shift offers a stark reminder that no democracy is immune to the populist pressures reshaping the continent.

The question now is whether Portugal’s institutions can adapt to govern effectively in this new fractured landscape while preserving democratic values. Portugal’s civil society has an increasingly vital part to play in holding newly influential far-right politicians to account and offering collective responses to populist challenges.

Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Senior Research Specialist, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

 

UNICEF’S cholera response in Sudan. A doctor mixes an oral rehydration solution, which treats cholera. Credit: UNICEF/Ahmed Mohamdeen Elfatih

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Jun 5 2025 (IPS)

A particularly virulent outbreak of cholera was detected in the Khartoum State of Sudan and is a direct result of the Sudanese Civil War, warns the United Nations.

“The resurgence of cholera is more than a public health emergency – it is a symptom of deep, persistent inequality. Cholera takes hold where poverty is entrenched, where healthcare is scarce, and where conflict has shattered the systems that keep children safe. Without access to safe water and sanitation and essential services, communities are left exposed, and children are paying the price,” said Joe English, the Emergency Communication Specialist of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF).

Cholera is an acute bacterial infection caused by the consumption of contaminated food or water, which can be fatal and lead to death by dehydration if left untreated. Cases of cholera are most concentrated in Africa and South Asia, as these regions are known to be particularly sensitive to flooding, have high rates of poverty and displacement, and lack adequate water, sanitation and health (WASH) infrastructure in many areas.

UNICEF has warned that worldwide cases of cholera have nearly doubled in the past two years, with approximately 1.1 billion people being at risk of succumbing to the disease. Children under the age of five and people living in poverty face the highest risks of death as many of them also suffer from other health complications such as malnutrition.

Figures from the World Health Organization (WHO) show that there were 804,721 cases and 5,805 deaths across 33 countries in 2024, marking a 37 percent increase in cases, and a 27 percent increase in deaths from 2023. The latest figures show that there have been 157,035 cases and 2,148 deaths recorded across 26 countries in the first four months of 2025. Although cholera is difficult to monitor, WHO projects an increase in cases this year.

On May 28, UNICEF released a report detailing the most recent outbreak occurring in Sudan. Attributed to the deterioration of conditions due to the Sudanese Civil War, the outbreak is most prevalent in Khartoum State. As the conflict ravages residential areas, displacement has reached new peaks and hordes of civilians reside in overcrowded and unsanitary shelters. Attacks from armed forces have also damaged the national supplies of electricity and water, forcing families to rely on water from contaminated sources.

The report further details that the recent outbreak in Khartoum spread particularly quickly. Doctors Without Borders (MSF) recorded over 500 cases in a single day on May 21. This represents a quarter of the cases recorded in the past three weeks. UNICEF added that between May 15 and 25, the number of recorded cases surged ninefold from 90 per day to 815.

Additionally, Sudanese officials confirmed that there have been over 2,500 cases recorded in the past week, as well as 172 deaths. Since January, there have been approximately 7,700 cases of cholera recorded in Sudan and 185 associated deaths. Over 1,000 of these cases comprise of children under the age of five.

The International Rescue Committee (IRC) has expressed concern as the rapid rise in cases greatly outpaces Sudan’s national epidemic response supplies. With Sudan lacking the adequate resources to respond to a widespread public health crisis, it is imperative that humanitarian organizations distribute vaccines and continue to monitor the spread.

“Sudan is on the brink of a full-scale public health disaster. The combination of conflict, displacement, destroyed critical infrastructure, and limited access to clean water is fueling the resurgence of cholera and other deadly diseases. With the rainy season fast approaching, the need for immediate, coordinated action could not be more urgent,” said Eatizaz Yousif, IRC’s Sudan Country Director.

At present, the main challenge in Sudan is in monitoring the spread of infection and supplementing the collapsing healthcare system. Dr. Sayed Mohamed Abdullah from Sudan’s Doctors Union stated that roughly 80 percent of hospitals are not functional, and the remaining are operating on shortages of water, electricity, and medical supplies. These remaining facilities struggle to assist large influxes of patients on a daily basis. Humanitarian aid workers and medical personnel are also at heightened risks of exposure.

“Part of what we are doing with health authorities is to reinforce the epidemic surveillance system to have a better understanding of where most of the patients come from, what the main problems are, and how we could improve our support,” said Slaymen Ammar, MSF’s medical coordinator in Khartoum. “In a context like this, with very few operational health facilities, we need to quickly address the needs of patients to prevent them from progressing to a severe form of the disease.”

The United Nations (UN) and its partners have been on the frontlines supporting vaccination campaigns that target the most vulnerable communities. According to UN Spokesperson for the Secretary-General, Stéphane Dujarric, cholera vaccinations began on May 27 in Jabal Awliya, a village that borders Khartoum which was hit particularly hard.

That same day, WHO announced that they had delivered eight tonnes worth of medical supplies including treatments for non-communicable diseases, mental health issues, and malnutrition. This is estimated to provide roughly six months of support to the hospital.

UNICEF has delivered over 1.6 million oral cholera vaccines along with numerous cholera treatment kits. They have also distributed water treatment chemicals to households and water plants in an effort to mitigate the spread. Furthermore, UNICEF is also facilitating community awareness through social media campaigns and dialogues.

“We are racing against time with our partners to provide basic healthcare, clean water, and good nutrition, among other lifesaving services, to children who are highly vulnerable to deadly diseases and severe acute malnutrition,” said Sheldon Yett, UNICEF Representative for Sudan. “Each day, more children are exposed to this double threat of cholera and malnutrition, but both are preventable and treatable, if we can reach children in time.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

By Todd Moss
WASHINGTON DC, Jun 5 2025 (IPS)

On June 10, the World Bank’s board will meet to consider lifting an outdated ban on nuclear energy – one that has remained in place for decades despite the growing global need for clean, reliable electricity.

The ban limits options for developing nations, undermines climate goals, and leaves countries vulnerable to authoritarian influence. Here are some key facts to know about the ban and its impact:

FACT: Over 3 billion people lack reliable electricity.

Nuclear power can help close this gap by delivering large-scale, dependable energy to regions where renewables alone are insufficient to meet rising demand.

FACT: Global electricity demand will double by 2050, led by emerging and developing countries.

Most of the world’s growth in energy demand will be among World Bank client countries in Asia, Middle East, and Africa that are open to nuclear power but still require financing.

FACT: Nuclear energy is one of the cleanest, most reliable sources of electricity.

Unlike fossil fuels, nuclear power generates electricity without carbon emissions – and unlike solar and wind, it provides round-the-clock baseload power essential for economic growth and industrialization.

FACT: The World Bank’s ban leaves developing nations dependent on Russia and China.

Without financing options from trusted institutions like the World Bank, countries turn to state-backed Russian and Chinese nuclear deals – often opaque, long-term arrangements that undermine sovereignty and energy security.

FACT: Developing countries want nuclear power – but can’t finance it.

Countries across Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America are actively exploring nuclear power but face steep financing barriers. Without World Bank support, they’re denied a viable path to energy independence.

FACT: Every credible path to a low-carbon future includes nuclear.

More than two dozen countries have pledged to triple nuclear power by 2030 to meet climate goals. Continued exclusion of nuclear from World Bank policy contradicts the urgency of the climate crisis.

FACT: The World Bank’s ban is copied by over 20 other development finance institutions.

This domino effect means that outdated policy by a few powerful shareholders is depriving low- and middle-income countries around the world of access to a key clean energy technology.

FACT: Modern nuclear technology is safer, smaller, and more flexible than ever.

Advanced reactors and small modular designs address past safety concerns and are well-suited for the needs of emerging markets, including off-grid, industrial, and remote applications.

FACT: Lifting the ban would open the door to U.S. and allied technology.

American nuclear firms are at risk of being shut out of deals due to the financing gap, while authoritarian states step in. Reversing the ban would promote fair, open competition and high safety standards.

FACT: A simple first step: build World Bank expertise.

The Bank doesn’t yet have a team of nuclear energy experts to assist and advise client countries. Creating a technical team to assess nuclear options would help countries make informed decisions – and allow the Bank to modernize itself and better serve its shareholders.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Excerpt:

Todd Moss is founder and executive director of the Energy for Growth Hub.

Kassym-Jomart Tokayev paid tribute to the victims with a minute of silence. Credit: Akorda

By Katsuhiro Asagiri
TOKYO / ASTANA , Jun 4 2025 (IPS)

On the windswept steppe west of Astana, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev led a solemn ceremony this week to mark Kazakhstan’s Day of Remembrance for the Victims of Political Repressions and Famine—an annual reflection on one of the nation’s darkest chapters.

The ceremony was held at the ALZHIR Memorial Complex, a former Stalin-era camp where nearly 8,000 women—wives of those declared “enemies of the state”—were once imprisoned.

“The lessons of history must never be forgotten,” Tokayev declared, referring to the Stalin-era policies that left deep scars on Kazakhstan’s cultural and intellectual life.

Credit: Map of Gulag locations in Soviet Union, Public Domain

Kazakhstan’s experience forms part of the broader story of Stalinist repression, which extended well beyond Russia’s borders. After Japan’s surrender in 1945, an estimated 560,000 to 760,000 Japanese prisoners of war and civilians were forcibly relocated and detained across Soviet territory. Among them, about 50,000 were sent to camps in what was then the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic (now Kazakhstan). In camps such as Spassky near Karaganda, many perished under harsh forced labor and brutal conditions.

Kazakh citizens suffered even greater losses. In the early 1930s, famine caused by Stalin’s agricultural collectivization policies and the forced destruction of the traditional nomadic way of life claimed as many as 2.3 million Kazakhs. This was followed by purges in which countless intellectuals and landowners were executed or exiled.

Migration of Kazakh People due to theFamine in 1932 – 33.

Since gaining independence in 1991, Kazakhstan has sought not only to confront this painful legacy but also to embrace the vision of a multiethnic and multifaith society rooted in tolerance. Its constitution guarantees equality for all ethnic and religious groups, and more than 300,000 victims have been officially rehabilitated. Declassified archives continue to shed new light on this era.

But Kazakhstan’s progress is not merely about reconciliation with the past. It has also chosen to make tolerance and dialogue central pillars of its national identity.

As I wrote in a 2023 INPS Japan article, Kazakhstan’s leadership has placed global interfaith dialogue at the heart of its foreign engagement. The Congress of Leaders of World and Traditional Religions, launched in 2003, has become a signature platform bringing together leaders from Islam, Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism, Hinduism, and other faiths for sustained dialogue.

7th Congress of Leaders of World and Traditional Religions Group Photo by Secretariate of the 7th Congress

Palace of Peace and Reconciliation. Credit: Katsuhiro Asagiri

The upcoming 8th Congress, scheduled for September 17–18, 2025, in Astana, is expected to draw religious leaders, scholars, and policymakers from around the world.

Hosted at the iconic Palace of Peace and Reconciliation, the Congress reflects Kazakhstan’s role as a bridge between East and West and its commitment to promoting peaceful coexistence, mutual respect, and dialogue.

This approach holds particular relevance in a world increasingly fractured by sectarian conflict and geopolitical tensions. Kazakhstan’s efforts to transform a history marked by division and repression into a model of inclusion and cooperation offer valuable lessons for the global community.

Such values were echoed by Pope Francis, who attended the 7th Congress in 2022. In his closing address, the pontiff stated, “Religions must never incite war, hateful attitudes, hostility or extremism, but instead become a beacon of hope for peace.” He emphasized the importance of interreligious dialogue and coexistence.

Semipalatinsk former Nuclear test site. Credit: Katsuhiro Asagiri

Kazakhstan is also confronting another grievous injustice from its Soviet past. From 1949 to 1989, 456 nuclear tests were conducted at the Semipalatinsk Test Site, exposing more than one million people to radiation—an enduring tragedy. In response, post-independence Kazakhstan chose to voluntarily renounce the world’s fourth-largest nuclear arsenal, making nuclear disarmament a cornerstone of its foreign policy.

This commitment to nuclear disarmament also extends to interfaith diplomacy. Since the 6th Congress of Leaders of World and Traditional Religions in 2018, Kazakhstan has worked closely with Soka Gakkai International (SGI) of Japan and the Nobel Peace Prize-winning International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), advancing a shared vision of peace, dialogue, and the abolition of nuclear weapons, grounded in the humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons use and the testimonies of Hibakusha, while promoting the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) and deepening international cooperation.

A Group photo of participants of the regional conference on the humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons and nuclear-free-zone in Central Asia held on August 29, 2023. Credit: Jibek Joly TV Channel

The ALZHIR Memorial itself continues to bear witness to the injustices of the past. Its preserved barracks and “Arch of Sorrow” leave a powerful impression on visitors.

Yet as this week’s remembrance ceremony and Kazakhstan’s ongoing interfaith efforts make clear, the country is determined to build a future grounded in tolerance, justice, and peace.

“Such injustices must never be repeated,” Tokayev affirmed—a principle that now informs both Kazakhstan’s domestic policies and its multi-vector diplomacy aimed at fostering dialogue and harmony on the international stage.

Katsuhiro Asagiri is the President of INPS Japan and serves as the director for media projects such as “Strengthening awareness on Nuclear Weapons” and SDGs for All” In 2024, he was honored with the “Kazakhstan Through the Eyes of Foreign Media” award, representing the Asia-Pacific region.

This article is brought to you by INPS Japan in collaboration with Soka Gakkai International in consultative status with ECOSOC.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Credit: MarcoVector/shutterstock.com

By Lisa Schirch
Jun 4 2025 (IPS)

 
A better internet that supports democracy rather than undermines it is possible.

In 2025, we stand at a crossroads in the digital era. Our platforms have become the new public squares, but rather than fostering democracy and dignity, many are optimized for manipulation, division, and profit. The Council on Technology and Social Cohesion’s “Blueprint on Prosocial Tech Design Governance” offers a systems-level response to this crisis.

Digital harms are not accidental. They stem from deliberate choices embedded in how platforms are built and monetized. Infinite scroll, addictive recommendation systems, and deceptive patterns are not technical inevitabilities—they are design policies that reward engagement over truth, attention over well-being, and outrage over dialogue. These antisocial designs have proven devastating: eroding mental health, fuelling polarisation, spreading disinformation, and concentrating power in a handful of corporate actors.

Tech companies blame users for harmful content online. But this avoids their own responsibility in how they design platforms. The Blueprint shifts the focus from downstream content moderation to upstream focus on platform design.

No technology has a neutral design. Companies make choices about what a platform will allow you to do, prevent you from doing, and what the design will persuade, incentivise, amplify, highlight, or manipulate people to do or not do online.

Prosocial Building Codes

Like building codes in architecture, the report proposes a tiered certification system for prosocial tech, outlining five levels of increasing ambition—from minimum safety standards to fully participatory, socially cohesive platforms. This is not window-dressing. It’s a structural intervention to address the root causes of harmful tech designs.

Tier 1 begins with establishing baseline protections: Safety by Design, Privacy by Design, and User Agency by Design. These aren’t abstract ideals but concrete practices that give users control over what they see, how they’re tracked, and whether manipulative features are opt-in rather than default. Tier 2 scales up with low-barrier user experience tools like empathy-oriented reaction buttons, friction to slow down impulsive posting, and prompts to reflect before sharing.

Iin Tier 3, prosocial algorithms that highlight areas of common ground and diverse ideas replace engagement-maximising recommender systems that offer news feeds skewed toward polarising topics. Tier 4 introduces civic tech and deliberative platforms explicitly built for democratic engagement, and Tier 5 pushes for middleware solutions that restore data sovereignty and interoperability.

Research Transparency and Protections

The report highlights the need for research to understand how platform design impacts society, safe harbour laws to protect independent researchers, and open data standards for measuring social trust and cohesion. The paper calls for mandated platform audits, researcher safe harbours, and public infrastructure to enable independent scrutiny of algorithmic systems and user experiences. Without these safeguards, crucial insight into systemic harms—such as manipulation, bias, and disinformation—remains inaccessible.

The paper offers a set of prosocial metrics on three areas of social cohesion. This includes individual agency and well-being, or the ability of users to make informed choices and participate meaningfully; social trust and intergroup pluralism referring to the quality of interaction across diverse social, cultural, and political groups; and public trust or the strength of relationship between users and public institutions.

Shifting Market Forces

The report concludes with a set of market reforms to shift incentives toward prosocial tech innovations. Market forces drive antisocial and deceptive tech design. Venture capital (VC) funding is the main source of financing for many major tech platforms, especially in their early and growth stages. It significantly entrenches antisocial tech design, expecting rapid scaling, high returns, and market dominance—often at the expense of ethical development.

Market concentration inhibits innovation and confines users within systems that prioritise profit over well-being. Numerous large technology companies function as monopolies, employing opaque strategies and dominating value chains. Such technology monopolies pose significant challenges for smaller, prosocial platforms seeking growth. When a limited number of tech giants control infrastructure, data, and user attention, smaller platforms with ethical, inclusive, or democratic designs encounter difficulties in achieving visibility and viability.

The report recommends shifting market forces by codifying liability for platform-induced harms, enforcing antitrust to level the playing field for ethical alternatives, and identifying a range of options for funding and monetising prosocial tech startups.

Too often piecemeal tech regulation has failed to show the flood of toxicity online. Using a system’s approach, the report offers a comprehensive plan to make prosocial tech not only possible, but competitive and sustainable. Just as we expect bridges to be safe and banks to be audited, the Blueprint insists we treat digital infrastructure with the same seriousness. Platforms should not be allowed to profit from harm while hiding behind the myth of neutrality.

At its core, the Blueprint argues that platform design is social engineering. Platforms that currently amplify outrage could, with the right design and incentives, foster empathy, cooperation, and truth.

Now the question is political will. Will regulators adopt tiered certifications that reward responsibility? Will investors fund platforms that prioritise well-being over profit? Will designers centre the needs of marginalised communities in their user experience decisions? The Blueprint gives us the tools. The next step is collective action for governments, technologists, and civil society alike.

Download the report here.

Related articles:
How technology can build trust in the Israeli-Palestinian context
Mapping tech design regulation in the Global South
Deliberative technology: Designing AI and computational democracy for peacebuilding in highly-polarized contexts
Building tech “trust and safety” for a digital public sphere

Dr. Lisa Schirch is Research Fellow with the Toda Peace Institute and is on the faculty at the University of Notre Dame in the Keough School of Global Affairs and Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies. She holds the Richard G. Starmann Sr. Endowed Chair and directs the Peacetech and Polarization Lab. A former Fulbright Fellow in East and West Africa, Schirch is the author of eleven books, including The Ecology of Violent Extremism: Perspectives on Peacebuilding and Human Security and Social Media Impacts on Conflict and Democracy: The Tech-tonic Shift. Her work focuses on tech-assisted dialogue and decision-making to improve state-society relationships and social cohesion.

This article was issued by the Toda Peace Institute and is being republished from the original with their permission.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Noor Mukadam at a protest outside the Islamabad Press Club, holding a poster demanding justice for a rape survivor. The photo was taken on September 12, 2020. She was murdered by her partner on 20 July 2021. Credit: Shafaq Zaidi

By Zofeen Ebrahim
KARACHI, Pakistan, Jun 4 2025 (IPS)

“It’s brought me some closure,” said Shafaq Zaidi, a school friend of Noor Mukadam, reacting to the Supreme Court’s May 20 verdict upholding both the life sentence and death penalty for Noor’s killer, Zahir Jaffer.

“Nothing can bring Noor back, but this decision offers a sense of justice—not just for her, but for every woman in Pakistan who’s been told her life doesn’t matter,” Zaidi told IPS over the phone from Islamabad. “It’s been a long and painful journey—four years of fighting through the sessions court, high court, and finally, the Supreme Court.”

Echoing a similar sentiment, rights activist Zohra Yusuf said, “It’s satisfying that the Supreme Court upheld the verdict,” but added that the crime’s brutality left little room for relief. “It was so horrific that one can’t even celebrate the judgment,” she said, referring to the “extreme” sadism Noor endured—tortured with a knuckleduster, raped, and beheaded with a sharp weapon on July 20, 2021.

Yusuf also pointed out that the “background” of those involved is what drew national attention.

Noor Mukadam, 27, was the daughter of a former ambassador, while Zahir Jaffer, 30, was a dual Pakistan-U.S. national from a wealthy and influential family. Her father and friends fought to keep the case in the public eye, refusing to let it fade into yet another forgotten statistic.

Still, the response has been muted—many, including Yusuf, oppose the death penalty.

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan recorded at least 174 death sentences in 2024—a sharp rise from 102 in 2023—yet not a single execution was reportedly carried out. The last known hanging was in 2019, when Imran Ali was executed for the rape and murder of six-year-old Zainab Ansari.

However, Noor’s father, Shaukat Ali Mukadam, has repeatedly stated that the death sentence for Zahir Jaffer was “very necessary,” emphasizing, “This isn’t just about my daughter—it’s about all of Pakistan’s daughters,” referencing the countless acts of violence against women that go unpunished every day.

The HRCP’s 2024 annual report painted a grim picture of gender-based violence against women in Pakistan.

According to the National Police Bureau, at least 405 women were killed in so-called honor crimes. Domestic violence remained widespread, resulting in 1,641 murders and over 3,385 reports of physical assault within households.

Sexual violence showed no sign of slowing. Police records documented 4,175 reported rapes, 733 gang rapes, 24 cases of custodial sexual assault, and 117 incidents of incest-related abuse—a chilling reminder of the dangers women face in both public and private spaces. HRCP’s media monitoring also revealed that at least 13 transgender individuals experienced sexual violence—one was even killed by her family in the name of honor.

The digital space offered no refuge either. The Digital Rights Foundation recorded 3,121 cases of cyber-harassment, most reported by women in Punjab.

Justice Remains Elusive

But numbers alone can’t capture the brutality—or the deep-rooted disregard for women that drives it.

“We recently took a man to court and secured maintenance for twin baby girls,” said Haya Zahid, CEO of the Karachi-based Legal Aid Society (LAS). “The father divorced their young mother while she was still in the hospital—just because she gave birth to daughters.”

LAS offers free legal aid to those who can’t afford it, handling cases like rape, murder, acid attacks, forced and child marriages, and domestic violence.

Bassam Dhari, also from LAS, recalled Daya Bheel’s gruesome murder, which took place after Noor Mukadam’s but failed to stir national attention because it happened in a remote village in Sindh’s Sanghar district.

“She was skinned, her eyeballs removed, her breasts chopped off, and her head severed from her body,” said Dhari.

He said the postmortem report confirmed that she was neither raped nor sexually assaulted, and the attack did not appear to be driven by rage or revenge.

While Mukadam’s family may have found closure, justice remains elusive for thousands of Pakistani women.

“Noor Mukadam’s case is indeed a rare instance where justice was served,” said Syeda Bushra, another lawyer at the LAS.

“It’s not that there aren’t enough laws to protect women and children—far from it,” said Bushra. “There are plenty of laws, but what good are they if investigations are weak?” According to her, only a small percentage of women can seek redress. “Justice is denied or delayed every single day,” she added.

“The problem is that these laws are crafted in a social vacuum,” observed Fauzia Yazdani, a gender and governance expert with over 30 years of experience working with national governments, the UN, and bilateral development partners in Pakistan.

She acknowledged that although many progressive, women-friendly laws have been passed over the years, they’ve failed to resonate in a society resistant to change. “Laws are essential, but no amount of legislation can end violence against women if the societal mindset remains misogynistic, patriarchal, and permissive of such crimes,” she said.

Buying Justice Through Blood Money

At the same time, Dahri highlighted critical flaws in the justice system.

In Pakistan, where the death penalty remains legal under its Islamic status, such sentences can be overturned through the diyat (blood money) law, which allows perpetrators to buy forgiveness by compensating the victim’s family.

“In our country, money can buy anything,” said Dahri. “This blood money law is routinely abused by the rich and powerful to literally get away with murder.”

He stressed the urgent need to reform these laws. “Many families initially refuse compensation, but intense pressure and threats—especially against the poor—often force them to give in.”

In 2023, 10-year-old Fatima Furiro’s death might have gone unnoticed if two graphic videos—showing her writhing in pain, then collapsing—hadn’t gone viral. The resulting public outcry led to her body being exhumed. Her employer, a powerful feudal lord in Sindh’s Khairpur district, who appeared in the footage, was swiftly arrested.

He spent a year in prison before the case was closed, after Fatima’s impoverished family accepted blood money—despite forensic evidence confirming she had been raped, beaten, and tortured over time.

Shafaq Zaidi—Noor Mukadam’s school friend—stood outside the Islamabad Press Club on July 25, 2021, at the very spot where Noor had once protested. This time, Zaidi was seeking justice for Noor herself, who had been killed just days earlier, on July 20, 2021. Courtesy: Shafaq Zaidi

Law vs Prejudice

Alongside a flawed justice system, women must battle deep-rooted social taboos—amplified by relentless victim-blaming and shaming.

“In such an environment,” said Bushra, “it’s no surprise that many women, worn down by the long and exhausting process, eventually withdraw their complaints.”

“A woman’s trial begins long before she ever enters a courtroom,” said Dahri.

In Noor Mukadam’s case, the claim of a “live-in relationship”—real or fabricated—was used by the convict’s lawyer to downgrade his death sentence for rape to life imprisonment.

“A boy and girl living together is a misfortune for our society,” remarked Justice Hashim Kakar, who led the three-member bench hearing Mukadam’s case.

“Her reputation was sullied—even in death,” said Yazdani, adding that judges should refrain from moralizing and preaching.

“A judge’s verdict should rest solely on an impartial reading of the law,” said Bushra.

But as Dahri pointed out, few lawyers in Pakistan dare to say this openly. “Judges can take it personally,” he said, “and we risk facing repercussions in our very next case.”

According to Yazdani, even a few targeted reforms—like faster hearings, clearing case backlogs, setting up GBV and child protection courts, and training judges, lawyers, and police on the realities of misogyny and gender-based violence—could cut victim-blaming in half.

But she also offered a word of caution: reforms alone don’t guarantee empathy, which she called the cornerstone of real justice.

“Social change doesn’t happen overnight,” Yazdani said. “Anthropologically speaking, it takes five years for change to take root—and another ten for it to truly take hold.”

Gender balance matters in justice

Judicial gender inequality worsens the situation. Some experts argue that increasing the number of women judges and lawyers could lead to a more fair, dynamic, and empathetic justice system.

A 2024 report by the Law and Justice Commission of Pakistan (LJCP) reveals that women make up less than 20 percent of the country’s judges, lawyers, and judicial officers—an alarming gap in a nation of over 117 million women. Of the 126 judges in the superior judiciary, only seven are women—just 5.5 percent. In the Supreme Court, that number drops to two.

Meanwhile, the 26 judges of the apex court (including the chief justice) are burdened with a backlog of more than 56,000 cases—not all related to violence against women.

Bushra believes more women must be encouraged to enter the justice sector—particularly as prosecutors, police officers, and judges. “I’ve seen how distressed victims become when forced to repeat their ordeal to male officers—often multiple times,” she said.

But she emphasized that simply increasing the number of women won’t end victim-blaming or guarantee survivor-centric justice. “Everyone in the system—including women—must be genuinely gender-sensitized to overcome personal biases and deep-rooted stereotypes,” said Bushra.

Special Courts

In 2021, the government passed the Anti-Rape (Investigation and Trial) Act, leading to the formation of an anti-rape committee by the Ministry of Law and Justice to support victims, including setting up special courts nationwide. “Special investigation units with trained prosecutors now handle 77 percent of complaints, and 91 percent of cases go to special courts,” said Nida Aly of AGHS, a Lahore-based law firm offering free legal aid and part of the committee.

By 2022, Sindh had set up 382 such units. Aly noted that a survivor-centered, time-bound, and coordinated approach raised conviction rates from 3.5 percent to 5 percent. A national sex offenders registry, managed by police, was launched in 2024. In Punjab, all 36 districts now have crisis and protection centers offering legal and psychosocial support, though some face resource limitations.

Nearly five years after gender-based violence courts were established in Karachi, she sees a promising shift in how judges handle such cases. “Prosecutors now take time to prepare women complainants—something that never happened before,” she said.

However, she added, the number of such courts and sensitized judges remains a drop in the ocean compared to the overwhelming number of violence committed against women and such cases flooding the system across Sindh.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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UNDP and Sweden working together under the Green Innovative Finance in Latin America and the Caribbean initiative. Credit: UNDP Costa Rica

By Lyes Ferroukhi and Karin Metell
PANAMA CITY, Panama, Jun 4 2025 (IPS)

In a world marked by armed conflict, threats to democracy, technological disruptions, and geopolitical tensions, many people are asking: Why should we prioritize environmental crises when there are other, more visible or perceived as more urgent challenges?

From the perspective shared by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and Sweden, through the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA), the answer is clear: there is no prosperous economy, stability, peace, or development possible on a degraded planet.

The so-called “triple planetary crisis”—climate change, biodiversity loss, and pollution—is not an isolated environmental problem: it is a multiplier of social and economic risks. It disrupts markets, weakens food security, drives forced migration, and erodes community resilience.

However, this crisis also represents a historic opportunity to rethink current development models and explore possible solutions. Latin America and the Caribbean could lead this paradigm shift by example. The region is home to 40% of the planet’s biodiversity and key ecosystems for climate regulation.

Karin Metell

Yet, it faces a paradox: its enormous natural capital stands in stark contrast to insufficient funding to protect it. The Paulson Institute, The Nature Conservancy, and Cornell University estimated in 2020 that the international biodiversity financing gap is between US$598–$824 billion annually.

At the same time, international resources for climate action fall far short of what is needed. According to the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), the region needs to multiply its climate finance flows by 8 to 10 times to meet the commitments countries outlined in their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), which are essential for reducing emissions and adapting to climate change.

Faced with this challenge, green finance becomes a strategic tool. Achieving this requires ambitious public policies, solid regulatory frameworks, real commitment from major productive sectors, and, above all, large-scale resource mobilization.

Here, the private sector can and must be a key player, especially if it has an enabling framework that reduces investment risk, supported by governments and their public and financial institutions.

UNDP and Sweden are working together through the Green Innovative Finance for Latin America and the Caribbean (GIF 4 LAC) initiative. This partnership supports countries in mobilizing climate and environmental finance by strengthening their regulatory frameworks, generating data to improve transparency, and facilitating collaboration with the private sector. The goal is clear: to make sustainability a viable, scalable, and replicable investment.

Lyes Ferroukhi

We are already seeing results. Thanks to a course organized by UNDP and INCAE Business School as part of the initiative, a government team in El Salvador strengthened the case for an electric bus project in San Salvador. The project secured a $5 million loan from the Development Bank of Latin America and the Caribbean (CAF) and has the potential to mobilize up to an additional $300 million to transform the country’s public transport system.

We are also collaborating with leading companies such as Devcco, which promotes clean technologies for district cooling systems in Latin American cities, and Avfall Sverige, the Swedish Waste Management Association, which promotes the zero-waste model. It is indeed possible to align profitability with sustainability.

Additionally, this initiative seeks to maximize the potential of the UNDP Environment and Energy team’s portfolio in Latin America and the Caribbean, which includes a large portfolio of projects financed by international environmental funds and platforms supporting public policy and finance like the Climate Promise and the Biodiversity Finance Initiative (BIOFIN). These represent the largest offer of support for NDCs and National Biodiversity Strategies and Action Plans (NBSAPs).

We can say with certainty that protecting the planet is promoting economic and social development in a sustainable way. There will be no growth without healthy ecosystems, and no competitiveness without sustainability.

This is a goal that should inspire us to work together. We are facing a historic and decisive opportunity that requires the participation of more and more stakeholders. Investing in nature is investing in the future.

Lyes Ferroukhi is Regional Team Leader, Environment and Energy in Latin America and the Caribbean, UNDP.

Karin Metell is Head of Regional Cooperation for Latin America, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA)

IPS UN Bureau

 

Houses damaged during Pakistani shelling in India's Jammu region. Credit: Handout

By Umar Manzoor Shah
SRINAGAR, India, Jun 3 2025 (IPS)

In the war-worn borderlands of Jammu and Kashmir, the silence that followed the May 10 ceasefire between India and Pakistan is not the comforting kind—It is uneasy.

After a week of heavy cross-border firing that left at least 16 civilians dead and thousands homeless, the ceasefire brokered by U.S. President Donald Trump brought a fragile halt to the violence. But for people living along the Line of Control (LoC)—in villages like Uri, Kupwara, Rajouri, and Poonch—the damage goes far beyond broken homes.

The official statement, calling for an “immediate and full cessation of hostilities,” might have quieted the guns, but the psychological and material scars remain deep and fresh. Funeral fires still burn. Children refuse to sleep. Schools remain shut. The trauma lingers like smoke in the air.

‘We Buried her Before the Ceasefire’

Twenty-four-year-old Ruqaya Bano from Uri was meant to be married this week. Instead, she stood over her mother’s grave, clutching the embroidered dupatta of her bridal dress. Her mother, Haseena Begum, was killed by a mortar shell that landed in their courtyard.

“She was helping me pack my wedding clothes,” Ruqaya says, her voice thin. “She smiled that morning and said, ‘Soon this house will be full of music.’ Hours later, we were digging her grave.”

Four others died in the same barrage in Uri, all civilians. Many more were wounded—some critically. As the schools remain shuttered, the young are left to process trauma with no support.

For some, words have vanished entirely.

Eight-year-old Mahir sits on a thin mattress at a relief camp in Baramulla, his eyes fixed on a blank wall. He hasn’t spoken since the shelling began.

“He watched his cousin, Daniyal, die when a shell landed near their cowshed,” says Abdul Rasheed, Mahir’s uncle and a farmer from Kupwara. “Now, if a dog barks or a door slams, he hides under the bed.”

His reaction is not unique. Dozens of children along the LoC have reported symptoms of acute stress: sleeplessness, mutism, bedwetting, and panic attacks. Trauma is not just for soldiers. In Kashmir, it enters homes with shrapnel.

The region’s chief minister, Omar Abdullah, consoles the family of a government official who was killed due to Pakistani shelling on May 10 in Kashmir.

The violence began in the wake of the April 22 terror attack in Pahalgam that killed 26 people, including 13 soldiers. In retaliation, the Indian Air Force carried out strikes on militant camps across the LoC. Pakistan responded with heavy artillery fire, forcing an exodus from border villages.

In towns like Rajouri and Samba, panic set in quickly. Families packed into cars in the dead of night. Long queues formed outside fuel stations. ATMs were emptied. Grocery shelves went bare. Government schools and public buildings turned into temporary shelters overnight.

Relief workers describe chaotic scenes. “There were mothers with babies and nothing to feed them,” said Aamir Dar, a volunteer from a Srinagar-based relief NGO. “The fear was absolute.”

After two days of frantic diplomacy by Washington, President Trump announced on Truth Social that India and Pakistan had agreed to halt the fighting.  “Statesmanship has prevailed,” he wrote.

Within hours, the rumble of artillery ceased. Indian fighter jets returned to base. A tense quiet settled along the LoC. But for those who had lost homes, limbs, or loved ones, it was too little, too late.

Government officials, including Jammu and Kashmir’s Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha, toured the worst-hit districts. Relief operations began slowly, and criticism mounted over the sluggish response. “We haven’t received even tarpaulin sheets,” said Rahmat Ali from Mendhar. “The help is not matching the need.”

Grief Among the Ruins

In Poonch’s Salotri village, 70-year-old Naseema Khatoon stands before the blackened remains of her two-room home. Her husband died in 2019 during a similar flare-up.

“Now the house is gone,” she says, barefoot on scorched earth. “How many times do we begin again?”

Despite their grief, villagers are trying to help one another. Young men form lines to pass down sacks of rice. Medical volunteers have set up makeshift clinics. University students from Srinagar have launched online campaigns to crowdsource food and medicine.
Hope, though faint, endures.

The Night Fear Took Over Jammu

Even Jammu city, far from the immediate border, was not spared the anxiety. On the night of May 9, alarms blared about an alleged missile threat to the Jammu airport. Panic swept the city. Mobile networks briefly collapsed. Families crowded into bunkers.

“It reminded me of the Kargil War,” said Rajesh Mehra, a retired teacher. “We slept in our clothes with bags packed, ready to leave.”

Though the threat turned out to be a false alarm, public confidence was badly shaken.
The Indian Air Force flew in emergency supplies. Special trains were arranged for those stranded. As the dust began to settle, some families returned home—only to find them in rubble.

In Tangdhar, a school functions now under a torn army tent. The air smells of diesel and fear. Thirteen-year-old Laiba, a student, holds a pencil but stares at the floor. “I want to be a child again,” she murmurs. “Not someone who remembers bombs.”

The shelling left behind more than memories. Fields are littered with unexploded ordnance. Houses have cracks from shockwaves. Local hospitals are stretched to the brink.

The army has cordoned off danger zones. But until the shells are cleared, a casual step can mean disaster.

Back in Uri, Ruqaya Bano lays a garland on her mother’s grave, freshly dug beside their walnut tree. “She always said peace would return. Ruqaya whispers, “No guns, no fear. Maybe that day is still far off. But I hope it comes. For everyone.”

She wipes her tears, then picks up a hammer to help rebuild their shattered home.

The ceasefire, while welcome, is merely the first step toward lasting peace. In these villages, peace is not just the absence of war. It’s the presence of dignity, safety, and memory. This is the kind of peace in which children can laugh again. Where weddings are celebrated, not postponed by gunfire. Where people sleep without fear and wake without sorrow.

A Long Shadow

Kashmir has remained a flashpoint between India and Pakistan since 1947, with both nations claiming it in full. The region has seen at least three wars and countless skirmishes. Since the start of the insurgency in the late 1980s, over 100,000 people have been killed.

In August 2019, the Indian government revoked the region’s special constitutional status and bifurcated it into two union territories. Since then, Delhi has claimed a return to normalcy, but local voices tell another story—one of militarized quiet, silenced dissent, and growing fear.

Last October, for the first time in over five years, local municipal elections were held. It was a step toward restoration, but a small one.

For now, the ceasefire is holding. But like the mortar scars on the walls of these villages, the emotional damage remains etched deep. The silence that follows war is never just silence—it carries the weight of every scream, every loss.

Note: Names of survivors have been changed at their request to protect their privacy.
IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Related Articles

• Kashmir Reels After Pahalgam Attack, Fear Long Term Impacts on Livelihoods
• India-Pakistan: On the Brink—But Is There a Way Back?

Chido Mpemba at a townhall meeting. Credit: Victor Audu/Office of the Youth Envoy

By Chido Mpemba
HARARE, Zimbabwe, Jun 3 2025 (IPS)

History rarely remembers those who waited quietly. In Africa, it is those who dare to act, to resist, to lead, and to dream aloud who have shaped the continent’s most defining moments.

As we marked Africa Day 2025 last week (May 25), under the African Union’s theme “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations”, we are reminded that justice is not a destination; it is a continuous demand for truth, for dignity, and for leadership that reflects the realities of our people.

Now more than ever, that demand must be inclusive.

The Africa We Want, as envisioned in Africa’s Agenda 2063, cannot be built without the full power of its majority: its women and youth. Yet these very groups, the bearers of innovation and agents of transformation, remain disproportionately underrepresented, underfunded, and undervalued.

Credit: Victor Audu/Office of the Youth Envoy.

Statistically, Africa is young and female. Over 60% of the population is under 25, and women make up more than half of the continent [according to UNFPA’s ‘World Population’ report]. Yet, in 2024, only 7 African countries had parliaments with more than 35% of female representation. Youth-led initiatives receive less than 1% of global development financing.

Across many member states, youth continue to be excluded from policy co-creation. This is not by accident. It is the residue of a history that placed power in the hands of a few and promised progress sometime in the distant future.

But even history has its rebels.

Chido Cleopatra Mpemba

Special Advisor on Youth and Women to African Union Chairperson.

African women like Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, Albertina Sisulu, Miriam Makeba, and Wangari Maathai redefined protest, politics, and the planet. These were not just cultural icons; they were architects of resistance.

In post-independence Africa, women did not wait for seats at the table—they built their own. They organised, campaigned, and led, long before policy frameworks began to mention “gender parity.”

At the multilateral level, African women have broken barriers too. Ms. Amina J. Mohammed, the second African woman to serve as UN Deputy Secretary-General after Ms. Asha-Rose Migiro of Tanzania reshaped the narrative. At the African Union, Ms. Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma became the first female Chairperson of the AU Commission, setting institutional standards for gender parity that continue to influence today’s leadership structures.

In politics, the story is equally powerful.

Ms. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, the first elected female President in Africa led Liberia and ignited a movement. Through the African Women Leaders Network (AWLN), she continues to ensure that leadership is no longer viewed as exceptional for women, but essential. A ripple effect followed.

Credit: Victor Audu/Office of the Youth Envoy

Since then, women have led as president in countries like Ethiopia, Tanzania, Central African Republic, Mauritius and Namibia. Slowly, a new normal is taking shape—one that includes us.

However, leadership is not only about occupying these positions. It is about shifting paradigms.

Ms. Bineta Diop, the former AU’s Special Envoy on Women, Peace and Security, exemplifies this shift. Her work in championing the Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls in Africa, which was a landmark policy recently adopted by Member States, centres on women’s safety as a continental priority. It is also a powerful act of justice and repair, because no reparation is complete without safety, freedom, and dignity for women.

This vision is now being reinforced at the highest level of the AU. The newly elected Chairperson of the AU Commission, Mr. Mahmoud Youssouf, brings not only political experience, but a deeply personal understanding of gender equity.

A father of six daughters, he has spoken openly about the importance of championing the rights and leadership of young women and girls across the continent. His vision, rooted in fairness, generational inclusion, and institutional reform, signals a new era of AU leadership that reflects the aspirations of everyday Africans.

Credit: Victor Audu/Office of the Youth Envoy

At the same time, Africa’s youth are also rising, and doing so boldly and loudly. From climate action movements in the Sahel to tech innovation hubs in Kigali and Nairobi, young Africans are leading the way and not just waiting for invitations.

They are digitally savvy, socially conscious, and politically engaged. They are demanding more than just words. They are tired of rhetoric. They want access. They want capital. They want power.

We must respond not with more panels and promises, but with structural change. That means enshrining youth quotas in public office. It means directly funding grassroots, youth and women-led organisations. It means rethinking leadership, not as something one can only get after age 40, but as something one grows into through mentorship, access, and vision.

It also means acknowledging that reparations are about the past and restoring the future, the future stolen through systemic exclusion. This includes the exclusion of women and youth from economic, political, and social space. If we are serious about justice for Africans and people of African descent, we must be committed to redistributing opportunity and power.

As we marked Africa Day, let us move beyond celebration. Let us commit to reclamation of history, of voice, and of leadership. Let us tell the stories of what we have survived and what we are building, which is a continent where girls can lead revolutions, where youth can set national agendas, and where justice is actionable.

We are not waiting to be included. We are here to transform!

Chido Mpemba, until recently the AU Special Envoy on Youth, is now the Special Advisor on Youth and Women to African Union Chairperson.

Source: Africa Renewal, United Nations

IPS UN Bureau

 

By Jomo Kwame Sundaram
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Jun 3 2025 (IPS)

With two-fifths of the world economy, East Asia can inspire others by creatively responding to the US President’s tariff challenge by promoting fair, dynamic and peaceful regional cooperation.

No winners in economic war
Trump’s Liberation Day tariff announcement on April 2nd poses a common challenge that everyone needs to take seriously. Dismissing it as crazy or stupid for rejecting conventional policy wisdom is useless.

Jomo Kwame Sundaram

Politics and economics have been said to be war by other means. This old insight helps make sense of our times. His announcement emphasised it is about world domination, not just tariffs.

His first shot was arguably fired when Canada arrested Huawei’s founder’s daughter at the behest of the first Trump administration. Others suggest different starting points.

Obama announced the US ‘pivot to Asia’ to contain China. The Nobel Peace Laureate also undermined the multilateral World Trade Organization (WTO)’s ability to settle disputes by blocking arbitration panel appointments.

Trump’s approach is termed transactional. It presumes ‘zero-sum games’ and ignores cooperative ‘win-win’ solutions. Its implications mean we live in perilous times.

His penchant for ‘shock and awe’ is well-known. As if demanding instant gratification, Trump seems uninterested in the medium-term, let alone the long-term.

He insists on bilateral one-on-one transactions – weakening ‘the other’ by refusing collective bargaining. He rejects plurilateral and other collective arrangements but embraces cooperation to share costs. China is different but exceptionally so.

ASEAN
The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) did not include all in the region when it was formed in 1967.

Malaysia had recently had conflicts with all other founding members. Indonesia and the Philippines both opposed the new British-sponsored Malaysian confederation established in 1963, and in 1965, Singapore seceded from it.

Like the European Union, ASEAN helped resolve recent conflicts. But ASEAN soon got its act together, even before the Vietnam, Cambodian and Laotian wars ended in 1975.

In 1973, ASEAN leaders agreed that Southeast Asia should become a zone of peace, freedom, and neutrality (ZOPFAN). But its progress has been mixed.

The Philippines removed all US military bases before the end of the 20th century, but now has eleven, with four new ones in the north, facing Taiwan.

ZOPFAN is especially relevant now as several Global North powers have a military presence in the South China Sea. Worse, several Asian leaders have made generous concessions to ‘circumvent’ personal legal ‘problems’ with US authorities.

The recent ASEAN summit will be followed by a second one later in 2025. Two ASEAN precedents, established in response to earlier predicaments, remain relevant.

Bandung
The 1955 Bandung conference of Asian and African leaders of newly emerging nations, which led to the birth of the Non-Aligned Movement, remains relevant.

Europe recently celebrated the 80th anniversary of the defeat of Nazi Germany. Now rejecting peaceful coexistence with its erstwhile liberator, Europe insists on fighting Russia to the last Ukrainian.

Military interventions after the first Cold War now exceed the number during it! Despite its rhetoric, the Global North seems uninterested in freedom and neutrality.

Western pundits deemed the world unipolar after the 1980s. However, many now see it as multipolar, with most in the Global South preferring not to be aligned with any particular world power.

Major Western powers have increasingly marginalised the UN, undermining its capacity for peacemaking. Few in the West, especially in NATO, remain seriously committed to the UN Charter despite giving much lip service.

But realistically, ASEAN cannot really lead international peacemaking. It can only be a pro-active, pro-UN voice of reason for peace, freedom, neutrality, development and international cooperation.

East Asia
Meanwhile, the world economy is stagnating, mainly due to Western policies since 2008. ASEAN+3 (including Japan, South Korea, and China) is especially relevant now with its Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).

The earlier ASEAN+3 Chiang Mai Agreement responded to the 1997-98 Asian financial crises. After years of Northeast Asian encouragement, ASEAN nations agreed to move from bilateral to multilateral swap arrangements.

Meanwhile, the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) has progressed little since its creation over three decades ago.

More recently, the governments of Japan, China, and South Korea met without ASEAN in late March to prepare for Trump’s tariffs.

Sadly, key ASEAN leaders can hardly envision regional economic cooperation beyond yet another free trade agreement.

Trump has declared he wants to remake and rule the world to make America great again. His tariffs and Mar-a-Lago proposals should be seen as long overdue wake-up calls that ‘business as usual’ is over.

Will East Asia rise to the challenge and go beyond defensive actions to offer an alternative for the region’s economies and people, if not beyond?

The UN-led multilateral system still largely serves the US, but not enough for Trump. Thus, the US still invokes multilateral language self-servingly, e.g., it claims its unilateral tariffs are ‘reciprocal’.

Hence, despite his blatant contempt for them, Trump is unlikely to withdraw from all multilateral organisations and arrangements, especially those which serve him well.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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By CIVICUS
Jun 2 2025 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses the challenges facing Nepal’s Dalit community with Rup Sunar, chairperson of the Dignity Initiative, a Kathmandu-based research and advocacy organisation working to dismantle caste-based discrimination.

Rup Sunar

Dalits – a community that has historically faced systemic exclusion under the discriminatory label of ‘untouchables’– constitute around 13.4 per cent of Nepal’s population. They continue to experience systemic marginalisation despite constitutional and legal protections. The Dignity Initiative addresses these entrenched inequalities through evidence-based research, strategic advocacy and policy engagement. By collecting disaggregated data, advocating for inclusive legislative frameworks and amplifying excluded voices, it seeks to dismantle caste-based discrimination and open up civic space for Dalits and other excluded groups.

What human rights challenges do Dalits face in Nepal?

Nepal’s constitution explicitly protects Dalit rights as fundamental rights. Article 40 guarantees proportional representation, free education and land and housing rights. The 2011 Caste-Based Discrimination and Untouchability Act prohibits any discrimination on the basis of caste in any public or private sphere. But this impressive legal framework has remained on paper. In practice, Dalits continue to face severe economic, legal and social barriers, with state institutions consistently failing to enforce constitutional and legal protections.

Consider a tragic case in West Rukum, where a young Dalit man who had eloped with a girl from a higher caste was lynched along with five friends. Despite parliamentary investigations confirming caste prejudice as the motivation, the Surkhet High Court dismissed caste as a factor, revealing the judiciary’s entrenched biases.

The economic statistics paint a stark picture: over 87 per cent of Dalits lack sufficient land for subsistence, 42 per cent live below the poverty line and a mere two per cent work in the public sector. With no jobs reserved for Dalits in the private sector and traditional occupations disappearing in today’s market economy, many Dalits remain trapped in modern forms of bonded labour.

Why haven’t anti-discrimination laws created real change?

The gap between legislation and reality is due to weak enforcement. This happens because the state structure excludes Dalits, who hold only token positions in government and law enforcement. For context, their representation in the ruling Communist Party’s central committee is below two per cent. This renders ‘proportional representation’ merely a hollow political catchphrase.

As a result, those in power have a deeply rooted caste bias and Dalit concerns are largely invisible in national policy. When violence occurs, perpetrators often enjoy political protection while victims struggle for justice.

Meaningful change requires the establishment of proper enforcement mechanisms. State institutions must face accountability for implementation failures. The National Dalit Commission needs appropriate funding and expansion across all of Nepal’s seven provinces, while the Caste-Based Discrimination and Untouchability Act requires amendments to ensure meaningful consequences for perpetrators.

To ensure justice, we need specialised Dalit units – in charge of reporting and investigating caste-based violence – in all police offices, fast-track court procedures, free legal aid and witness protection for victims. These cases demand the same urgency and determination as other serious crimes.

What policy reforms are needed?

While the constitution promises free education and scholarships for Dalits from primary through higher education, these provisions are not enforced. School discrimination continues unabated, with tragic consequences, as in the case of a Dalit boy who took his life after being unable to pay a mere US$1.50 exam fee.

Both practical and cultural changes are needed to address these inequities. Beyond acknowledging discrimination, we must transform how history is taught. School curricula must incorporate Dalit histories, struggles and contributions to Nepalese society, while eliminating derogatory narratives and symbols.

Representation matters profoundly. Policies such as ‘one school, one Dalit teacher’ must be vigorously enforced. The severe underrepresentation of Dalit educators, particularly at secondary and higher levels, denies students crucial role models. The state must prioritise recruiting and retaining Dalit teachers to create an inclusive educational environment.

Have you observed any evolution in public attitudes towards Dalits?

Despite persistent deep-rooted prejudice and continued denial of caste discrimination, some encouraging shifts are emerging, particularly among young urban people. Dalit voices have gained greater visibility in media, politics and public discourse.

This gradual transformation stems from educational progress, social media connectivity and persistent activism. Dalit-led groups and networks have been instrumental in raising awareness and applying pressure on government institutions. The most effective approaches have combined grassroots mobilisation, strategic legal action and targeted media campaigns. Social media has revolutionised advocacy by providing platforms to document and expose injustices in real time.

The Dignity Initiative contributes through activism, research, policy advocacy and leadership development. A study we conducted examined how political parties distributed tickets to Dalit candidates during the 2022 elections, uncovering systematic tokenism rather than genuine commitment to equitable representation. Our work challenges this form of political exclusion while building public awareness about the declining Dalit presence in decision-making.

How are Dalit women and young people seeking change?

A new generation of leadership is emerging. Over 6,000 Dalit women now serve as representatives at the local level and on municipal councils, using these positions to advocate for Dalit rights. Many are forging paths to upward mobility despite facing intersectional discrimination based on caste and gender.

Yet significant barriers persist. Political spaces remain firmly controlled by upper castes, with exclusionary practices still the norm. This was starkly illustrated by dismally low Dalit participation in recent student union elections.

The battleground has also shifted online, where caste-based hate speech proliferates. However, tech-savvy young Dalits are fighting back, employing digital tools to lead campaigns, document violence and demand state accountability. They’re also building strategic alliances with progressive groups and individuals.

International solidarity has proven crucial, with external pressure amplifying Dalit voices nationally and on the global stage.

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SEE ALSO
Nepal: ‘The Social Network Bill is part of a broader strategy to tighten control over digital communication’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Dikshya Khadgi 28.Feb.2025
Nepal: Activists and online critics arrested to stifle dissent as journalists remain at risk CIVICUS Monitor 18.Nov.2024
India: ‘We have achieved a historic labour rights win for female Dalit workers’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Jeeva M 12.May.2022

 

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Waste pickers in New Delhi are marginalized yet provide essential services, often in extreme heat. Credit: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS

By Aishwarya Bajpai
NEW DELHI, Jun 2 2025 (IPS)

Every day, Delhi’s waste pickers walk three to four kilometers under the blazing sun, collecting and sorting the garbage that keeps India’s capital functioning. Their work is essential—yet largely invisible.

There are an estimated 200,000 waste pickers in Delhi, many of whom are migrants from landless, rural families in northern and eastern India. Pushed out of agriculture and informal rural economies, they arrive in the city with little more than the hope of survival, often ending up in the informal recycling sector. Labeled as “unskilled” or “semi-skilled” labor, they perform some of the city’s most crucial work—without contracts, protection, or recognition.

Sheikh Akbar Ali, a waste picker from Seemapuri who has worked with the community for over 15 years, paints a grim picture.

“We’re often denied access to public buses because people say we smell,” he says. With a daily income of ₹300 (roughly USD 3.60), even a single auto ride costing ₹150 (USD 1.80) one way is unaffordable. For women waste pickers, things are worse—no access to toilets, no place to change, and no shelter from the searing heat.

“Since COVID-19, we’ve been pushed off shaded footpaths and society corners to work under the open sky,” he adds.

The Smart Cities Mission, aimed at modernizing urban infrastructure, has only shrunk their access to public spaces, replacing common corners with beautified zones and surveillance.

Sumit Chaddha, another waste picker in Kamla Nagar, recalls how there once was a rule to stop work by 10am during peak summer hours. “Now, the heat is unbearable, but we have to keep going. One man collapsed while working—he started vomiting and died,” Sumit says. “There’s no medical card or health service for us through the MCD. We handle waste for the whole city but don’t even get gloves, let alone health insurance.”

In 2024, Delhi recorded a temperature of 52.3°C during what the World Meteorological Organization declared the hottest year in 175 years. The city also continues to rank among the world’s most polluted, with 74 of the 100 most polluted cities in the world located in India, according to the 2024 World Air Quality Report.

Though public perception often blames stubble burning or fireworks for Delhi’s toxic air, a Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) analysis confirms that vehicular pollution is the leading contributor among combustion sources.

Pollution in Delhi is Not Seasonal.

Delhi breathes hazardous air nearly all year round—99 percent of the time. PM2.5 levels, which measure the concentration of fine particles that can penetrate deep into the lungs, regularly exceed the World Health Organization’s safe limit by 30 times. Even short-term exposure to PM2.5 has been linked to heart attacks, strokes, and severe respiratory illnesses.

Yet, the poorest—those already battling extreme heat, living in cramped settlements, and working with hazardous waste—remain stranded. Public buses, their main mode of mobility, are in a state of collapse. Over 100,000 bus breakdowns were reported in just nine months of 2024 alone.

Transport-related emissions, while relatively easier to reduce, are still not a priority in most countries. Globally, the transport sector accounts for 15 percent of greenhouse gas emissions, with road transport alone responsible for 71 percent of that figure in 2019. India, now the third-largest emitter of CO₂ in the world, released 2.69 billion tons of fossil CO₂ in 2022—up by 6.5% from the previous year.

Increase in the CO₂ Emissions by the Transport Sector in India from 2000 to 2022.

 

In this context, public transport could be the most direct and transformative intervention—not just for the climate, but for the lives of the working poor.

As Sumana Narayanan, ecologist and environmental researcher, puts it, “We treat public transport like charity—something to be handed down to the poor. But mobility isn’t a favor; it’s a right, just like access to water, health, and clean air.”

She points to the success of Delhi’s fare-free bus scheme for women, introduced in 2019, which allowed women to save money, travel longer distances, and even gain greater say in household decisions. “Public transport doesn’t just move people—it carries dignity, opportunity, and the right to be part of public life,” she adds.

Other Countries are Showing What’s Possible

Germany’s €49 climate ticket has made low-emission travel more affordable. Luxembourg now offers free public transport to all its citizens. Bogotá’s TransMilenio system connects informal workers to opportunity while reducing emissions, and Paris is reducing car dependency with better metros and cycling infrastructure. These models demonstrate that transport, when reimagined, can be a cornerstone of both climate resilience and social justice.

But in India, such possibilities remain out of reach for communities like Delhi’s waste pickers. While programs like the National Electric Bus Programme (NEBP) aim to roll out 50,000 electric buses by 2030, implementation is slow and piecemeal. Without systemic reforms, vulnerable communities are left walking miles in dangerous heat, inhaling the city’s poison air, and risking their lives for the cleanliness everyone else takes for granted.

Nishant, Coordinator of the Public Transport Forum in Delhi, argues that existing schemes often serve short-term electoral agendas.

“What we really need is consistent investment in the quality and coverage of public buses. Public transport is a great equalizer in any society. And in terms of emissions and energy use, it’s at least ten times more efficient than private vehicles. It’s not just people-friendly—it’s climate-friendly too,” he says.

For Delhi’s waste pickers, a working bus route is not a luxury. It is a pathway to dignity, safety, and survival. In a city battling extreme heat, toxic air, and rising inequality, climate justice might just begin with a seat on a functioning, inclusive bus.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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By External Source
Jun 2 2025 (IPS-Partners)

 
Plastic pollution is choking our planet.

An estimated 400 million tonnes of plastic are produced every year.

Less than 10% is ever recycled.

Over 23 million tonnes end up in lakes, rivers and oceans annually.

Plastic never truly disappears. It breaks down into microplastics.

These invisible particles are now in our food, our water and even our bodies.

Studies have found microplastics in human blood, lungs, and placentas.

The most vulnerable communities are hit hardest.

Marine life is suffocating.

Coastal economies are eroding.

Food systems are at risk.

We can’t recycle our way out of this crisis.

We need to rethink the system, by reduce, reusing and redesigning.

By 2040, plastic waste could triple if we do nothing.

But we can cut plastic pollution by 80% if we act now.

World Environment Day 2025 calls for a future free from plastic pollution.

A future where circularity replaces waste. Where innovation replaces single use.

Where policy, industry, and people work together.

We are the generation that can break free from plastic.

Let’s not waste this chance.

 

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Street vendor exposed to extreme heat, New Delhi, 2024. Credit: Greenpeace India

“Some mornings, I can't even stand, my feet are so swollen. My whole body aches from working all day at the juicer. The doctor said my uric acid is high, but I waited months to get tested. Who has the time or money when missing work means no food?”-- Sana, a street vendor selling sugarcane juice in chronic pain, navigating long hours and poor hydration, in Delhi’s extreme temperatures.

By Selomi Garnaik and G. A. Rumeshi Perera
BENGALURU, India / COLOMBO Sri Lanka, Jun 2 2025 (IPS)

From the blistering heat of Delhi’s streets to Colombo’s humid corners, workers in the informal economy are silently enduring the toll of labour on their bodies and livelihoods.

In 2024, South Asian cities like Delhi and Dhaka, faced relentless, record-breaking heatwaves. Meanwhile, in Nepal, the heaviest rains in decades triggered deadly floods and landslides. Sri Lanka, too, faced repeated severe storms, displacing hundreds of thousands, underscoring the vulnerability of the region to climatic chaos.

Then, why are those hit hardest by climate collapse left out of the rooms where its future is decided?

Ms. Swastika, President of the United Federation of Labour Sri Lanka, highlighted on Labour Day how temperature has affected the workers and their daily livelihoods; asking the fundamental question, ‘when do polluters take accountability?’

Workers in Dhaka holding up messages for climate and labour justice during May Day activities. Credit: Hadi Uddin / Greenpeace South Asia

One of four people living today is from South Asia, yet the region is responsible for barely 8% of the cumulative CO2 emissions, while facing some of the harshest impacts of the climate crisis.

Climate Conversations Cannot Ignore Workers:

According to the World Bank, over the past two decades, more than 750 million people, over half of South Asia’s population, have been affected by one or more climate-related disasters.

It’s quickly becoming clear just what this means for workers: India alone is projected to lose 34 million full-time jobs by 2030 due to heat stress. Bangladesh loses US$ 6 billion a year in labour productivity due to the effects of extreme heat.

In Nepal, where over 70% of the workforce is engaged in agriculture, changing rainfall patterns and flash floods have already slashed yields and forced seasonal labourers to migrate. By 2050, climate change could displace 100-200 million people, leading to a rise in climate refugees.

Yet these impacts are reduced to mere ‘economic losses’, rarely acknowledged as human suffering and almost never compensated. This disconnect between climate damage and accountability lies at the heart of global climate injustice.

Workers, particularly in the Global South- must be central to the climate conversations. For them, climate change isn’t abstract: it’s failed crops, deadly heat, toxic air, and unsafe workplaces. These daily realities threaten their health, livelihoods, and dignity.

Despite this, climate planning and response mechanisms are designed by ministries and consultants isolated from the ground realities of workers. Labour ministries, welfare boards or labour unions are rarely included in national climate adaptation frameworks or climate budgeting. Heat Action Plans often overlook worker-centric measures like paid rest breaks, hydration stations, or medical preparedness for outdoor labourers.

This is not just a gap. It is a governance failure.

When national or global climate plans ignore labour protections they deepen existing injustices. Outdoor workers, gig workers, migrant workers, and women in informal employment must be seen not as “vulnerable groups” but as central stakeholders, whose inclusion is essential for a just and durable climate response.

The Unpaid Bill: Who Owes Whom?

For over a century, profits were extracted from the earth and the pain outsourced to its most exploited workers. Now, those frontline workers are leading the call for climate accountability. Polluters Pay Pact, an international movement supported by trade unions, climate justice groups, and frontline communities that calls on the world’s largest fossil fuel and gas corporations to compensate those who are living with the fallout of their actions.

Just five oil and gas companies made over $100 billion in profits in 2024 alone, while informal workers are breathing toxic air, suffering heat extremes and losing workdays- without compensation or insurance. This isn’t aid, its owed justice.

The Polluters Pay Pact must result in binding commitments: climate-linked funding, worker led adaptation, and a global recognition of labour as central to climate action.

Most importantly, the pact is not waiting for international summits to act. Across the region, grassroots campaigns are gaining momentum- taking legal action, seeking compensation for heat-related losses, and pushing for fossil fuel taxes to fund worker protections.

This marks the beginning of a new phase in climate accountability: one that is worker-led, justice-driven, and grounded in the principle that those who suffer should not be left to shoulder the costs alone.

The way forward: From Survival to Dignity

The Polluters Pay Pact is beyond compensation. It’s about correcting a system that treats labour as disposable and emissions as externalities. To make climate justice real and tangible, governments must move beyond symbolic acknowledgments of “climate vulnerability’’ to institutional reforms that protect the people that hold up our economies.

It is inspiring to see countries like Sri Lanka take the fight to the International Court of Justice, highlighting how vulnerable nations are bearing the brunt of a crisis they did little to cause. By co-sponsoring the resolution and emphasizing intergenerational equity and human rights, Sri Lanka is underscoring that climate inaction by high-emitting states is a violation of basic rights like access to water and food. There is growing momentum from South Asian countries demanding climate justice.

Here is what ‘labour justice is climate justice’ would mean:

Classify climate risks as workplace hazards– National labour laws across South Asia must classify climate-induced hazards as occupational risks. This would entitle workers to compensation, paid rest, and workplace safety standards during extreme weather events.

Investment in localised worker centered infrastructure– Governments must prioritise tangible, community-level infrastructure like citizen-led early warning systems, much of which should be financed by new taxes on the oil and gas industry. Shade, hydration points and cooling infrastructure at high-risk sites, must become standard in heat-prone districts. The health care system needs to be strengthened to treat heat-related illness.

Embed Worker Voices in Climate Governance– Worker Unions of street vendors, construction workers, gig workers, waste pickers and migrant workers must be formally represented in local and national climate adaptation planning. Policies made without them are policies bound to fail.

We must move from damage to repair, from exploitation to protection. Climate action will only succeed by including those who face its worst impacts. Polluters must pay- investing in worker resilience across South Asia would save life and uphold climate justice.

Selomi Garnaik and G. A. Rumeshi Perera are climate and energy campaigners for Greenpeace, South Asia.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Credit: NOAA Photo Library

The third United Nations Ocean Conference (UNOC 3), scheduled to take place in Nice, France from 9-13 June, will bring together Heads of State, scientists, civil society and business leaders around a single goal: to halt the silent collapse of the planet's largest – and arguably most vital – ecosystem.

By Diva Amon and Lissette Victorero
NICE, France, Jun 2 2025 (IPS)

As David Attenborough reflects in his new documentary Ocean, “After living for nearly 100 years on this planet, I now understand the most important place on Earth is not on land, but at sea”. We wholeheartedly agree – and urge governments convening at the 3rd United Nations Ocean Conference (UNOC3) in France next month to remember that life below water goes deep.

Everything below 200 metres – the deep sea – works silently to keep Earth habitable. It’s our planet’s greatest untold story: a living archive of evolution, adaptation, and resilience. This hidden world is not just a scientific wonder, it’s a cornerstone of life.

The deep sea captures a quarter of the carbon dioxide we emit, regulates global temperatures, drives ocean currents, and supports biodiversity that nurtures ocean health, enabling the fisheries that nourish billions.

Despite its importance, the deep sea remains largely unexplored. A recent study revealed that humans have only seen 0.001% of the deep seafloor, an area approximately a tenth of the size of Belgium. Still, even with our limited glimpses, the discoveries are astonishing. Just months ago, scientists off Canada’s coast discovered thousands of glowing golden skate eggs clustered beside an active underwater volcano – an otherworldly nursery never seen before.

The fiery seamount, pulsing with geothermal heat, acts as a natural incubator for skate pups that, like all in the deep, are adapted to crushing pressures and a total absence of sunlight, and continue to challenge our understanding of the limits of life.

And yet, even as we begin to glimpse its mysteries, the deep sea faces destruction.

An unknown realm already under siege

Ancient seamounts, abyssal plains, hydrothermal vents, and more – home to some of nature’s most extraordinary adaptations – face destruction before we’ve even catalogued, understood, or valued their inhabitants. The deep harbours communities that exist nowhere else on Earth; living time capsules that could hold keys to understanding life’s origins or solutions to some of humanity’s greatest challenges.

No wonder many are recognised in global agreements as vulnerable ecosystems, places where special care is most needed to maintain a healthy ocean.

For over 70 years, destructive fishing practices have inflicted extensive damage on the deep, including seamounts. Bottom trawlers drag nets weighted with heavy rollers across the seabed, flattening everything in their path while hunting deep-dwelling fish of extraordinary age and resilience – some over 250 years old.

These practices destroy coral forests and sponge gardens that have grown over centuries or even millennia – ecological cathedrals that may never return. This destruction not only erases ecosystems, it unravels the foundations of complex and connected ocean systems, stripping away vital breeding and feeding grounds.

Meanwhile, a nascent deep-sea mining industry is pushing to open the ocean floor to commercial extraction. Each operation could damage thousands of square kilometres, crush delicate life, create clouds of sediment that can impair breathing, communication, or feeding of ocean species far beyond the mining site, and destroy habitats that have developed over thousands to millions of years.

The destruction of these largely out-of-sight ecosystems doesn’t only just mean the loss of extraordinary and undiscovered species and ecosystems. It means undermining the processes that make life on Earth possible, from climate regulation to food security. And, as with many environmental crises, those already most vulnerable will likely suffer the greatest burden.

A warning from the scientific community.

Since 2004, scientists have been raising the alarm about the destruction of deep-sea ecosystems and the potential knock-on effects, first from bottom trawling, and now from deep-sea mining. Their message remains consistent and urgent: we must understand the deep before we decide to condemn it to ruin.

Today, this warning has become a global call to action. Over 900 marine scientists and policy experts have endorsed a moratorium on deep-sea mining. They are joined by an unprecedented alliance of 33 countries – including France, Palau, Brazil, Germany, Canada, and Samoa – as well as parliamentarians, celebrities, youth leaders, major companies like BMW, Google, and Volvo, and leading financial institutions such as Credit Suisse, Lloyd’s, and NatWest.

This growing coalition underscores a simple truth: the deep sea is too important, fragile, and poorly understood to gamble with.

This June, the One Ocean Science Congress and the monumental UNOC3, in Nice, France, present pivotal opportunities for governments to act. The official focus of UNOC3 is Sustainable Development Goal 14: “Life Below Water”, but this must extend deeper…literally.

Governments must seize this moment to make bold, lasting commitments:

1) Protect seamounts and other vulnerable deep-sea ecosystems from destructive fishing practices such as bottom trawling.
2) Implement a moratorium on deep-sea mining until independent scientific studies understand its full ecological cost.
3) Invest in deep-sea science that is uncoupled from extractive interests.

The choice before us

The science is unequivocal: the deep sea provides essential services critical to all life on Earth. What we stand to gain through understanding this realm far outweighs what we’d earn by destroying it.

As world governments gather in Nice, we face a simple choice: protect our planet’s most mysterious and vital frontier, or exploit it blindly before we even begin to understand what we are losing.

The health of our ocean – and our own well-being – depends on us choosing wisely.

Dr. Diva Amon, a marine biologist, is a researcher and adviser at the Benioff Ocean Science Laboratory at the University of California, Santa Barbara, and the director of SpeSeas, an ocean conservation NGO based in Trinidad and Tobago. She is also a co-lead of the Biodiversity Conservation Task Force of the Deep-Ocean Stewardship Initiative, and SpeSeas is a member of the Deep Sea Conservation Coalition.

Dr. Lissette Víctorero is a deep-sea ecologist specialised in deep-sea fisheries and the macroecology of vulnerable habitats such as seamounts and hydrothermal vents. She serves as Science Advisor to the Deep Sea Conservation Coalition and co-leads the Fisheries Working Group of the Deep-Ocean Stewardship Initiative (DOSI).

IPS UN Bureau

 

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