Africa

Two of Venâncio Mondlane's supporters are injured as police disperse crowds that had come to greet him.

Burkina Faso's Capt Ibrahim Traore had a holstered pistol in what some saw a security breach.

Venâncio Mondlane is greeted by supporters as police try to prevent people reaching the airport.

Credit: Asian Peoples’ Movement on Debt and Development (APMDD)

By Ben Phillips
BANGKOK, Thailand, Jan 9 2025 (IPS)

The debt disaster is back. Indeed, the aid agency Cafod reports that developing countries today face “the most acute debt crisis in history”.

At least 54 countries are in a debt crisis – more than double the number in 2010. A further 57 countries are at risk of debt crisis. In the past decade, interest payments for developing countries overall have risen by 64%, and for Africa by 132%.

African countries are paying over 100 billion dollars a year to creditors. The share of African countries’ budgets going on debt payments is four times higher than in 2010.

Net finance flows to developing countries are now negative – that is, debt service repayments are now higher than inflows to governments.

“It’s time to face the reality,” says World Bank Chief Economist Indermit Gill. “The poorest countries facing debt distress need debt relief if they are to have a shot at lasting prosperity. Private creditors ought to bear a fair share of the cost when the bet goes bad.”

“Debt is choking the countries of the Global South,” says the Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town Thabo Makgoba, “denying us what we need for health and education. Please, let us breathe!”

The scale of the crisis has not shocked world leaders into action, however. So far, the G20 debt restructuring mechanisms have come nowhere close to what is needed.

The recurrence of the debt crisis is even cynically held up as a reason not to resolve it. “They got debt forgiven in 2000,” goes the mantra, “now they are back, which means it failed and there is no helping them.”

It’s a false narrative that deliberately ignores two key points: first, that the debt cancellation secured by the broad Jubilee 2000 movement saved and transformed millions of lives, including affected countries switching from most children not completing primary school to most children completing; secondly, that the reforms needed to prevent a recurrence of catastrophic debt payment levels have been held up by creditors.

But being untrue hasn’t taken away the power of the “debt cancellation failed” story for excusing and enabling inaction.

Debt restructuring has continued to be a painfully slow, ad hoc process, dominated by rich countries and dependent on persuading creditors. That’s not a bug, it’s feature. It’s not surprising that private lenders, who today make up the largest share of creditors of affected countries’ debt, have obstructed efforts to resolve the crisis: without sufficient compulsion that is what they will continue to do.

It seems almost unnecessary to add that we have now entered an era where anything requiring multilateral cooperation has gotten even harder. And yet, 2025 also brings two powerful reasons for hope.

First, the moment.

As the first ever African chair of the G20, South Africa has seized the opportunity to lead an intergovernmental push for action on debt, successfully bringing it to the core of global economic diplomacy. The South African G20 presidency has set out a bold agenda that prioritises tackling what they name in frank terms as the “crippling sovereign debt levels that force many countries to sacrifice their developmental obligations to service unmanageable debts”.

South Africa has set out what would be transformative frame for G20 delivery: “We must take action to ensure debt sustainability for low-income countries. A key obstacle to inclusive growth in developing economies is an unsustainable level of debt which limits their ability to invest in infrastructure, healthcare, education and other development needs”.

“South Africa will seek to advance sustainable solutions to tackle high structural deficits and liquidity challenges and extend debt relief to developing economies. South Africa will also seek to ensure that the sovereign credit ratings are fair and transparent and to address high risk premiums for developing economies. Key to addressing the debt question is dealing with the Cost of Capital.”

Second, the movement.

Intergovernmental diplomacy alone, however well played, can never break through the power imbalances of global finance. The resolution of the debt crisis needs a determined and organized mass movement of people. This movement is rising.

Amongst those who are coming together in the broad Jubilee 2025 movement are civil society organisations from climate justice marchers to human rights activists, trade unions from every sector and every part of the world, and artists raising their voices to demand the breaking of the chokehold of debt.

At the heart of the Jubilee 2025 movement are the faith communities, who were also at the heart of Jubilee 2000. As the Jubilee name signifies, debt cancellation is not a mere technical economic issue, it is a moral one, with deep roots in biblical traditions and in ethical understandings of the common good.

“We urgently need a new debt Jubilee,” leaders of diverse faiths from across Africa declared in their joint call to action, “to bring hope to humankind, and bring the planet back from the brink.” Faith communities combine deep local organising and wide global networking, mobilise in the Global South and Global North amongst the most excluded and amongst the better off, and have proven to be especially hard for decision-makers to ignore.

A moment of hope, powered by a movement of hope. Debt distress need not be destiny. This is not a prediction that the campaign on debt will succeed, but rather an assessment that it has a fighting chance. “More than a question of generosity,” Pope Francis declared in his Papal Bull for 2025, debt cancellation is “a matter of justice.”

Notably, he titled the document Spes non confundit – “Hope does not disappoint.”

Ben Phillips is the author of How to Fight Inequality.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Protests erupted over the hazardous waste disposal from the Bhopal gas tragedy. Credit: Sameer Khan/IPS

By Shuriah Niazi
PITHAMPUR, India, Jan 9 2025 (IPS)

An eerie calm prevails over Pithampur, a town 250 km (155 miles) away from Bhopal, the capital of the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh. This town witnessed widespread protests for three days last week following the transportation of large quantities of toxic waste from the site of one of the world’s worst industrial disasters in Bhopal.

On Wednesday, December 1, about 337 metric tonnes of toxic waste were transported to Pithampur in 12 containers amid tight security from Bhopal. This hazardous waste originated from the now-defunct Union Carbide Factory in Bhopal, where it had been stored for the past 40 years. The site is infamous for the tragic gas leak that occurred on the night of December 2-3, 1984, which resulted in the instant deaths of 3,500 people and thousands of others over the years.

The toxic waste from Bhopal was intended to be incinerated at Ramky Enviro Industries; however, protests escalated last week and two people even attempted self-immolation. Both are currently hospitalized. In response, the government halted the incineration process.

On Monday, the Madhya Pradesh High Court gave a six-month deadline to the government to dispose of the waste. The government told the court that it would first work to gain the trust of the residents of Pithampur and the surrounding areas before proceeding with the incineration.

In 2015, the Supreme Court had ordered a trial for the disposal of 10 metric tonnes of waste. Following this, incineration was carried out at Ramky Enviro Engineers. However, residents in the vicinity have reported concerns about negative impacts on their health and the local environment.

Crop Yield Declines

A resident from Silotiya village, situated near the factory, complained about the impact on farming.

“Earlier, this area used to produce excellent crops, but after the trial was conducted here 10 years ago and the waste was spread, our farming has suffered greatly,” Nageshwar Chaudhary told IPS. “The water in the entire region has become contaminated, and people are experiencing poor crop yields. This is why the community protested when the decision to incinerate the waste was made and the toxic waste reached here to be burnt.”

Chaudhary further said that the administration had assured locals before the trial runs in 2015 that there would be no adverse effects.

“But now the lands have become so infertile that even if we wish to sell them, no one is ready to buy,” Chaudhary claimed.

Atma Raghuvanshi from Bagdari, another village close to the Ramky Enviro Industries, said that the factory’s waste has led to the contamination of water and it is a major problem.

“People are selling their land and moving away. We’re not receiving fair prices for our land due to the pollution. The pollution has worsened because of the poisonous waste,” said Raghuvanshi.

Officials Attempt to Allay People’s Apprehension

On the other hand, the officials maintain that the incineration of toxic waste will not cause any harm.

“The disposal of this waste will not harm anyone. In 2015, we conducted a trial run where 10 tonnes of waste were incinerated, and the results were positive. Therefore, it would be wrong to claim that it will cause harm,” Swatantra Kumar Singh, Director of the Bhopal Gas Tragedy Relief and Rehabilitation Department, said.

Singh also emphasized that the waste will continue to be disposed of in an environmentally safe manner.

The administration has said that special precautions were taken during the transportation of toxic waste from Bhopal and the contaminated soil from the storage area has also been brought to Pithampur.

Over 50 workers equipped with personal protective equipment (PPE) were assigned to load the waste into the containers, with teams rotating every 30 minutes.

Based on a trial run conducted in 2015, it was determined that 90 kg of waste can be incinerated per hour. At that rate, the incineration of 337 tonnes of waste could take more than five months.

“The waste from Union Carbide was transported to Pithampur following the highest safety protocols in the movement and transport of industrial waste in the country,” Singh remarked.

Various Organizations ‘Involved’ in Disposal Process

Regarding the removal of toxic waste, Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Mohan Yadav informed reporters that various Government of India organizations are involved in the disposal process.

“For the past 40 years, the people of Bhopal have been living with this waste. The transportation of this toxic waste has not impacted the environment in any way. The entire process was carried out safely. We also aim to ensure that this issue remains free from political controversy,” added Yadav.

The Supreme Court had mandated the removal of toxic waste in 2014, and recently, in December last year, the Madhya Pradesh High Court directed the state government to complete the removal within four weeks. Now it has issued a six-month deadline to dispose of the waste.

In August 2004, Alok Pratap Singh, a Bhopal resident, filed a petition in the Madhya Pradesh High Court requesting the removal of toxic waste from the Union Carbide premises. He also sought compensation for the environmental damage caused. Alok Pratap Singh has since passed away.

Only a Symbolic Gesture: Activist

Rachna Dhingra, from the International Campaign for Justice in Bhopal, has expressed concerns that the waste transported to Pithampur represents only a small fraction of the total 1.1 million metric tonnes of toxic waste.

Dhingra slammed the government’s action as a mere “symbolic gesture” rather than a meaningful step toward addressing the larger issue.

In 2010, under the directive of the High Court, the Madhya Pradesh government commissioned the National Environmental Engineering Institute (NEERI) from Nagpur and the National Geophysical Research Institute (NGRI) from Hyderabad to study the issue of toxic waste and its associated pollution.

The NEERI report revealed the presence of hazardous chemicals such as aldicarb, carbaryl, A-naphthol, dichlorobenzene, and mercury in the soil of the affected area. It also indicated that approximately 1.1 million metric tonnes of contaminated soil remained, which has adversely affected the health of people living around the closed Union Carbide factory in Bhopal and damaged the environment over the years.

“The quantity of waste that the government has moved from Bhopal to Pithampur constitutes less than one percent of the total hazardous waste,” Dhingra said.

According to her, the NEERI report said there are numerous dumping and landfill sites surrounding the Union Carbide factory where waste was irresponsibly disposed of.

Dhingra emphasized that hazardous substances from these chemical waste ponds have infiltrated the ground, contaminating local water sources and soil. She urged the government to address this ongoing issue, warning that neglecting it will perpetuate suffering among the community.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Excerpt:

The local community of Pithampur, India, says the incineration of Bhopal gas tragedy waste is unsafe for their health and environment.

According to an unconfirmed report, 19 people were killed in an incident near the presidential palace.

Credit: Fundación Plan/Instagram

By Inés M. Pousadela
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Jan 8 2025 (IPS)

Colombia has just marked a historic milestone in the global campaign against child marriage, with the Senate passing one of Latin America and the Caribbean’s most comprehensive bans on child marriage and early unions. In a country where one in five girls under 18 and one in 10 under 14 are married or live in marriage-like conditions, the new law raises the minimum age to 18 with no exceptions, eliminating a 137-year-old Civil Code provision that allowed children over 14 to marry with parental consent. This achievement aligns with goal 5 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which has a target of eliminating harmful practices like child marriage by 2030. The new law now awaits the signature of President Gustavo Petro to come into effect.

The breakthrough

Child marriage disproportionately affects Colombia’s most vulnerable communities, with rates of between 40 and 65 per cent among rural, Indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations. In some communities, girls as young as 10 are married off. These early unions expose girls to unequal power relations, deny them education, limit their bodily and economic autonomy and lead to higher rates of gender-based violence and health issues linked to early pregnancy.

The passage of the #SonNiñasNoEsposas (‘They are girls, not wives’) bill reflected the power of persistent civil society advocacy. After several failed attempts since 2007, the bill, authored by two congresswomen, passed with unanimous support. This success was driven by a coalition of Colombian civil society organisations as part of the Girls Not Brides global network, including the Foundation for Gender and Family Development, Fundación Plan and Profamilia, working alongside international partners such as Equality Now and Plan International, with Girls Not Brides directly supporting legislative advocacy and media campaigns.

Beyond raising the marriage age, the new law establishes the National Comprehensive Programme for Life Projects for Children and Adolescents. This preventive initiative targets the structural causes of early unions – poverty and lack of education – particularly in remote rural areas. The programme includes the participation of Indigenous communities through their own governance structures, recognising the importance of cultural sensitivity in implementation.

The global landscape

Colombia is by no means alone in having a child marriage problem. Around the world, some 12 million girls are married each year, two million before the age of 15. While child marriage can affect boys as well, girls are six times more likely to be married as children than boys.

According to the Child Marriage Monitoring Mechanism, a collaborative initiative to generate evidence to support efforts to end child marriage, one in five young women worldwide are married before their 18th birthday, with rates highest in sub-Saharan Africa.

To tackle this problem, The Elders, a group of senior public figures, launched the global Girls Not Brides partnership in 2011. With over 1,400 member organisations in more than 100 countries, Girls Not Brides works to prevent under-age marriage, recognising it as both a human rights violation and an obstacle to development. It identifies four main drivers of child marriage: poverty, limited educational and economic opportunities, gender inequality and insecurity in conflict or disaster situations. It tackles the problem with awareness-raising campaigns, national and international policy advocacy and community engagement to challenge social norms that perpetuate child marriage.

Since then, efforts have multiplied. In 2016, the United Nations Population Fund and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) launched the Global Programme to End Child Marriage. Now in its third phase, set to run until 2030, the programme operates in 12 high-prevalence countries in Africa, the Middle East and South Asia. Working directly with governments, it has reached millions of adolescent girls, focusing on education, healthcare and economic opportunities.

Regional-level initiatives include the South Asian Initiative to End Violence Against Children, which works in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, and the African Union’s Campaign to End Child Marriage in Africa, launched in 2014 in 10 high-prevalence countries and later expanded to 30.

Many more initiatives work at national and local levels. They combine multiple responses, including working with religious and community leaders to change social norms, supporting girls’ education and economic empowerment, engaging with men and boys on gender equality, advocating for stronger laws and their enforcement, providing support services to girls at risk of child marriage, using media and technology to raise awareness and change attitudes and building networks of young advocates and change-makers.

Progress and challenges

These efforts have contributed to a global decline in child marriage rates. According to UNICEF, the proportion of young women married as children has decreased from 25 per cent to 21 per cent over the past decade, meaning that 25 million child marriages have been prevented. However, the global number of child brides is still estimated at 650 million, including girls under 18 who have already married and adult women who married as children.

The average annual rate of reduction has been 0.7 per cent over the past 25 years and 1.9 per cent over the past decade, showing the impact of recent initiatives. But at this rate, the SDG target of eliminating the practice by 2030 won’t be achieved.

Setbacks have been caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, climate change, conflict and economic instability. Wherever insecurity rises, so does child marriage, as parents see early marriage of daughters as a financial and security solution. During Syria’s conflict, for example, the rate of child marriages shot up among refugees in countries such as Jordan and Lebanon.

Looking ahead

Colombia’s new law marks significant progress, but it’s just the beginning, as evidenced by the fact that many of the early marriages that take place in Colombia would have been illegal under the old law.

The real work of implementation begins now. Colombia’s efforts over the next few years will be crucial in demonstrating how legislative change can translate into real protection for vulnerable girls. For Latin America and the Caribbean, it should open up opportunities for strengthened cross-border cooperation and similar legislative reforms.

Colombia’s comprehensive approach could serve as a model for change in a region where many countries still have legal exceptions that allow child marriage under some circumstances, while others have strong laws that aren’t adequately implemented.

While the declining trend in global child marriage rates offers hope, the current pace of change remains far too slow. Colombia’s example shows that significant progress is possible through sustained, multi-stakeholder commitment and comprehensive approaches that change laws but also address underlying social dynamics. The international community must build on this momentum. This means scaling up successful initiatives, increasing funding for civil society organisations and maintaining political pressure.

Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Senior Research Specialist, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org.

 

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Siddipet cotton fabric being woven. Credit: Rina Mukherji/IPS

By Rina Mukherji
SIDDIPET, POCHAMPALLY & KOYALAGUDDEM, India, Jan 8 2025 (IPS)

The southern Indian state of Telangana has always been home to exquisite cotton and silk weaves. But in recent years, lack of market access, expensive inputs, and government apathy have taken their toll on the weaving community. As a result, the younger generation is refraining from pursuing this traditional occupation and opting for more lucrative pursuits.

This is evident when one visits the weaving towns of the state. Take Siddipet, which is about 100 km from the metropolitan city of Hyderabad. Siddipet has always been known for its exquisite cotton saris and stoles. But today, only about a hundred wizened individuals, spread over seven handloom cooperatives, still weave.

Srivikailasam is a renowned middle-aged weaver who was honoured by the Chief Minister with the Konda Laxman Bapuji Award. His saris, dupattas and stoles are prized items in the export market. Yet none of his children—a son and two daughters—want to inherit his craft.

Another weaver, known as Ilaiyah, has been weaving for the past 60 years, since he turned 15. Yet his children have turned their backs to weaving.

Yadagiri has also been weaving for the past 60 years, like his fellow weavers. But neither his son nor daughter are interested in learning to weave.

Master weaver Mallikarjun Siddi, who also owns a marketing outlet in Siddipet, followed his father, renowned weaver Buchaiah Siddi, into the profession. But his children have opted out of this traditional occupation.

However, Siddi defends the youngsters.

“Why would youngsters want to adopt a profession that pays so little? A weaver earns Rs 1000 (USD 11.82) a day here, and it takes three full days to weave a sari. A job in the IT hub of HiTech City in Hyderabad fetches a lot more.”

Worse, the Telangana government does not subsidize electricity; this has resulted in the Siddipet weavers continuing to use handlooms instead of switching to powerlooms, making their work even more tedious and hard. Electricity is Rs 10 (USD 0.12) a unit. If subsidized, the cost comes down to Rs 1 (US$ 0.012) per unit. Power loom machinery is expensive, ranging from Rs 1.5 lakh to 6 lakh (USD 1773.5 to USD 7101). With electricity subsidy, a weaver can bear the burden. Otherwise, it is not possible. Hence, even today, you see only handlooms here,” explains Siddi.

Master weaver Laxman Tadaka prepares his materials. Credit: Rina Mukherji/IPS

Marketing the product is also tough. The government buys the product at higher rates but does so lackadaisically. “Their representatives come only once a year, and although the payment is higher, it is not immediate. Private parties come regularly, and often, pay immediately,” say weavers.

The story is hardly any different in Pochampally, world-renowned for its ikat silk weaves. Ikat here can be either single ikat or double ikat, with the second being even more expensive. The yarn has to be initially soaked and then dyed before weaving. Since ikat weaves require every thread of the yarn to be dyed separately, a power loom can never be used. Thus, ikat weaves, whether cotton or silk, must be woven on a handloom, as master weaver Laxman Tadaka points out. The silk yarn comes from Bengaluru and is priced at Rs 4500 (USD 53.20) per kilogram. A weaver needs an average of 6 kg of yarn to weave seven saris a month. To bear the cost of inputs and the effort, a weaver must make enough sales. “The 15 percent subsidy extended by the government can hardly suffice,” Tadaka points out.

Rudra Anjanelu, manager of the Pochampally Handloom Weavers Cooperative Society, says they are dependent on subsidies.

“Our silk saris are expensive. But we cannot afford to give discounts unless the government supports us. A major problem is the 5 percent Goods and Services Tax (GST) that has now been imposed by the central government. It makes saris and other silk products even more expensive.”

In the past, the state government used to render marketing support through its outlets, offering the products to customers at discounted prices, especially during the festive season, while subsidizing weavers. This is not forthcoming anymore, making it tough for weavers.

Most weavers have to rely on the Telangana State Handloom Weavers Cooperative Society Limited (TSCO), their apex cooperative, to sell their product.

“We had suggested a method to jack up our sales. The Telangana government has a Kalyanalakshmi scheme, wherein parents of girls are given Rs 1 lakh (USD 1182.32) for their daughter’s wedding. Along with the money, the government could easily provide a sari worth Rs 10,000 (USD 118.23) for the bride. This will help us weavers too, while helping the parents with the bridal trousseau,” Anjanelu says.

Besides, most weavers are not happy with the quality of the subsidized yarn provided by the government through the National Handloom Development Corporation.

Muralikrishnan, a weaver from Koyalaguddem, a village renowned for its cotton ikat, laments, “The yarn provided by the government is of inferior quality and this, in turn, can affect the quality of our end product. It is unlike what we get from private traders.”

Moreover, as Anjanelu points out, “Yarn has to be paid for. When sales are down, how can weavers buy any yarn?”

A big challenge for handloom weavers remains the flooding of markets by printed duplicates, which sell at a fraction of the price of handloom fabric.

On hindsight, though, it is not as if nothing was done for weavers by the Telangana government. However, if weavers have not experienced long-term benefits, could this be attributed to the outcome of the ballot?

The previous Chandrashekhar Reddy (state) government, for instance, introduced a 36-month savings-cum-insurance scheme for weavers termed the Thrift Scheme, wherein the government contributed an amount matching the investment made by an individual.

In Pochampally, land was also sanctioned for a handloom institute, and a handloom park was set up on the outskirts of the town. However, with a new Chief Minister getting elected, the plans came to naught. The Handloom Park too suffered from bad planning. Weavers who had set up shop at the park now have to market their products from their homes.

It is ironical that the weavers of Pochampally, Koyalaguddem and Siddipet find it tough to sell their exquisite weaves, despite being located in the vicinity of metropolitan Hyderabad, which boasts of an upwardly mobile population with high disposable income.

Notwithstanding the problems faced, there are a few who have found a solution. Dudyala Shankar and Muralikrishnan of Koyalaguddem have diversified their range of products to include ikat fabric and bedsheets, alongside traditional saris, dupattas, and stoles. Muralikrishnan has been accessing markets all over India through the internet, from his dusty little village.

“It is the only way out,” he tells me.

Indeed, the World Wide Web can certainly fill in where humans cannot. Product diversification and market access translating into sales may ultimately wean back the younger generation to keep the weaving tradition alive in Telangana and prevent it from dying out.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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The United Nations Security Council Meets on Protection of Civilians in Armed Conflict in Sudan. Credit: UN Photo/Manuel Elías

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Jan 8 2025 (IPS)

As the Civil War rages on in Sudan, the nationwide humanitarian crisis continues to worsen. Armed conflict has caused an escalation in civilian casualties and displacement in the past few months. Additionally, famine looms in the nation’s most conflict-impacted areas, which is exacerbated by tightened restrictions that impede humanitarian aid deliveries. Despite numerous calls for a cessation of hostilities by the international community, relief efforts are severely underfunded.

In 2025, humanitarian organizations seek to assist approximately 21 million people in Sudan, which is roughly half of the country’s population. However, this number is projected to increase following the escalation of armed hostilities recorded in December of 2024. According to a report from the UN Human Rights Office (OHCHR), the ongoing siege in El Fasher, the capital city of Sudan, left at least 782 dead and 1,143 injured from May 2024 to December 2024.

According to Edem Wosornu, the Director of Operations and Advocacy for the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), the Zamzam refugee camp, the nation’s largest refuge for internally displaced persons, has faced severe shelling in the final weeks of 2024. Approximately 80 people were killed and 400 were injured as a result of artillery shelling in western Darfur. Civilians and humanitarian aid groups, including Doctors Without Borders (MSF), have attributed these casualties to hostilities perpetrated by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

Nathaniel Raymond, the executive director of Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab, described the current situation in the Zamzam camp as a “kill box”. The escalation of warfare has forced Sudanese refugees to move toward dangerous RSF territories or toward the barren deserts where they face the risk of starvation. “We can see from space people camping under trees, on the side of the road. They’re going out of the frying pan and into the fire,” said Raymond, adding that many of these people have been severely injured or immunocompromised.

On January 6 2025, the United Nations (UN) Security Council warned that famine conditions are projected to spread throughout Sudan if humanitarian organizations do not effectively intervene soon. According to Wosornu, famine is present in five areas, including the Zamzam, Al Salam, and Abu Shouk camps, as well as regions in the western Nuba Mountains.

The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) states that five additional regions, including Um Kadada and El Fasher, as well as 17 other high-risk areas, could face severe famine-like conditions by mid-2025. Women, children, and the elderly are predicted to be disproportionately affected.

According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Deputy Director Beth Bechdol, the vast scale of famine is a direct result of extended warfare, displacement, and restricted humanitarian access. Additionally, the IPC report states that “only an immediate cessation of hostilities can prevent the crisis from worsening.”

It is crucial for humanitarian organizations to have unimpeded access to critically endangered areas in Sudan. The Adre border crossing, which provides direct passage from Chad to some of Sudan’s most affected areas, has seen numerous delays and blockages of aid. According to Wosornu, “key areas in South Kordofan are effectively cut off from external assistance,” while “visas for humanitarian personnel are not being granted swiftly enough”.

The start of 2025 is a major tipping point for the Sudan crisis as action must be taken now to ensure stability for millions of Sudanese people. Bechdol states that “immediate and unimpeded” humanitarian access is urgent at this time for humanitarian organizations to be able to deliver “multi-sectoral humanitarian assistance”.

The 2025 Humanitarian Needs Response Plan seeks approximately 4.2 billion dollars to provide life-saving assistance to 21 million Sudanese civilians that are struggling to stay alive. The funding from this plan would help to restore basic services such as access to food, water, and shelter, as well as protection services. “The risk of famine and its spread has been on our collective conscience since August, and now it is here, not only with people dying from hunger, but also with a breakdown of health systems, livelihoods and social structures,” warns Bechdol.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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In the Pacific, Investing in Coral Reefs and the Blue Economy programme will channel finance towards the protection of Fijian coral reefs and communities. Credit: UNDP

By David Smith and Neisha Manickchand
KINGSTON, Jamaica, Jan 8 2025 (IPS)

Climate change is one of the most serious global threats to the future of the world’s population. Its impact extends far and wide, from the economy to governance to the very health and well-being of society.

The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that between 2030 and 2050, some 250,000 extra deaths per year will occur because of the climate crisis’ impacts on nutrition and health. Extreme weather events directly affect food and water security and quality of life, resulting in an increase in malaria, diarrhoeal diseases, respiratory illnesses, and heat stroke, among other illnesses and stressors.

And they will reach every country, city, and municipality, in every corner of the world — but some areas are more vulnerable than others. Some of the most vulnerable? Small Island Developing States (SIDS).

https://www.un.org/ohrlls/content/list-sids

SIDS health systems are rarely built or have the resources to withstand the ever-growing, ever-changing impacts of the climate crisis. In the Caribbean Islands, for example, drought and excess rainfall have caused outbreaks of diseases transmitted by insect vectors. Dengue Fever — perhaps the most well known — has surged in recent years, nearly reaching 57,000 in 2024, a 469% increase over the same period in 2023.

The surge was likely fueled by El Niño and unplanned urban growth. The Caribbean Public Health Agency (CARPHA) has also reported increased hospitalisations and deaths due to Dengue and other vector-borne diseases like Zika and Chikungunya.

Beyond vector-borne diseases, climate change also affects non-communicable diseases (NCDs) and other health-related issues. Trinidad, a Caribbean island, saw increased hospital admissions for asthma due to high temperatures, and Belize, a country in Central America, reported that increased heat resulting from climate change is impacting schoolchildren and other vulnerable persons.

In the Pacific Island Countries and Territories (PICT), overall population health status has also deteriorated with increasing climate change-induced health risks. According to an internal report, surveys carried out by Fiji National University note that increased rainfall and flooding have caused crop insecurity, leading to changes in diet and water-borne illnesses.

The frequency of extreme weather events in SIDS is not expected to slow down. Major hurricanes in the Caribbean are projected to increase, and tropical cyclones are expected to carry more and more rain.

The first Category 5 hurricane, “Beryl”— the highest category on the Saffir–Simpson Hurricane Wind Scale — of 2024 was uncharacteristically early, badly damaging Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Grenada, and parts of Jamaica. Beryl’s destruction is telling of future weather patterns and of small island nations’ vulnerability.

As this haunting trend progresses, climate experts, policymakers, and the global community are gathering the research to establish innovative and necessary solutions. The University of the West Indies (UWI) in the Caribbean, for example, is collaborating with other SIDS researchers to understand the impacts of climate on health which is demonstrated in the 2024 Small Island Developing States report of the Lancet Countdown on Health and Climate Change.

The report notes that addressing heat through adaptation efforts would be an extremely effective and life-saving intervention in SIDS. Establishing more urban green spaces, for example, can provide local cooling benefits and alleviate heat exposure in cities.

Furthermore, UWI and Fiji National University recently presented new research on the impacts of climate change on community health and wellbeing at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Samoa.

And at the COP29 in Azerbaijan, participants developed a Special Report on Climate Change and Health, outlining priority recommendations from the global health community for governments, policymakers, and other sectors to place health at the heart of climate solutions.

Yet, for SIDS to truly adapt or combat the effects of climate change, increased access to financing is also crucial.

The research is evident and the urgency has been established. For SIDS, adhering to these recommendations and other global commitments is vital. The health impacts of climate change will continue to persist unless the necessary actions are taken.

Dr. David Smith is a Coordinator of the Institute for Sustainable Development at the University of the West Indies and Chair of the SDSN Caribbean Network. Neisha Manickchand is a Project and Resource Mobilisation Officer for the Institute for Sustainable Development at the University of the West Indies and Network Manager of the SDSN Caribbean Network.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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