Downtown traffic in Mexico City. The electrification of transportation is a challenge in this Latin American country, where over 58 million vehicles are in circulation. Credit: Emilio Godoy / IPS
By Emilio Godoy
MEXICO, Feb 26 2025 (IPS)
Mexico has seen several attempts at assembling electric vehicles (EVs), powered by rechargeable batteries, which have faced challenges related to industrial scale, supply chains, and competitiveness
These issues also complicate the new state production plan for the Taruk bus (meaning “roadrunner” in Yaqui) and the lightweight Olinia car (meaning “movement” in Nahuatl), based on the country’s long automotive experience and a growing market. The plan was formally announced in January by President Claudia Sheinbaum.
Experts consulted by IPS praised the initiative but warned of significant technological, regulatory, and infrastructure challenges in a country where transportation generates nearly a third of all polluting emissions. Cleaning up this sector would benefit urban health.“Asians, especially the Chinese, have developed very advanced technology; they are 15 years ahead of us. There’s no comparison. Government support is minimal and doesn’t meet the huge demand of the automotive sector. If Mexico wants to compete with those who have taken over the electric market, it has to invest,” Gustavo Jiménez
“Asians, especially the Chinese, have developed very advanced technology; they are 15 years ahead of us. There is no comparison. Government support is extremely minimal and does not meet the significant demands of the automotive sector,” said Gustavo Jiménez, director of the private Grupo E-mobilitas, which specializes in electromobility consulting.
During his dialogue with IPS, he emphasized that “if Mexico wants to compete with those who have taken over the electric market, it has to invest.”
Information reviewed by IPS shows that the development of the Taruk bus is more advanced, while the Olinia car still lacks a defined strategy. This comes at a challenging time for the sector due to threats of extraordinary tariffs by U.S. President Donald Trump on vehicles assembled in Mexico.
Additionally, the installation of EV plants by U.S.-based Tesla and China’s Build Your Dreams (BYD) has been temporarily halted. BYD faces tariffs imposed by the U.S. government on Asian products entering its market.
In fact, prototypes of a Mexican electric bus were designed in 2024 as part of the project “Development of a Mexican Electric Public Transport Bus and Study for the Implementation of Electromobility in Cities to Boost the Country’s Lithium Value Chain.”
The electromobility project is being carried out by the new Secretariat of Science, Humanities, Technologies, and Innovation (Secihti) and private Mexican companies Dina and MegaFlux, which already manufacture electric buses and trucks.
The initiative for electric buses, launched in 2023 with a budget of around US$900,000, aims to accelerate the introduction of Mexican-made units with indigenous technology, strengthen the national EV industry, and support the growth of this segment, given the urgent need to clean up transportation.
The Taruk model will be assembled in the state of Hidalgo, near Mexico City, and benefits from an existing production platform. Its projected weight is 12.5 tons, with a battery discharge rate of around 90% and a range of 180 to 361 kilometers, making it ideal for urban environments.
In comparison, the 50 buses introduced by the capital’s government in October 2024, imported from the Chinese brand Yutong, have a range of 300 kilometers.
In January, President Claudia Sheinbaum announced the state production of the Olinia electric car, designed for short trips. However, the project faces significant technological, economic, and commercial challenges. Credit: Government of Mexico
Competition
The Olinia cars, whose plant will operate in the state of Puebla, bordering Mexico City, has a budget of 1.22 million dollars. They are designed for short trips, with prices ranging from US$ 4,383 to 7,300 and are expected to hit the market by 2026. In comparison, Tesla had planned to invest $5 billion in an assembly plant set to begin operations in 2025.
The Secihti, along with the National Polytechnic Institute and the Mexican Institute of Technology, still lack detailed development plans for the three Olinia models, including a small van.
Currently, automotive companies in Mexico, the world’s seventh-largest producer of light vehicles and third-largest exporter, do not receive subsidies to accelerate the introduction of electric vehicles.
Leticia Pineda, regional leader for Mexico and Canada at the non-governmental International Council on Clean Transportation, based in Washington, believes the government understands the opportunity to integrate into a valuable supply chain and build economies of scale.
“This is a great opportunity for Mexico to transform its automotive industry, develop manufacturing capabilities to produce vehicles with higher national content. This value addition is a great opportunity to integrate further into this supply chain,” she told IPS.
In 2021, Mexico joined the Glasgow Pact on Electromobility during the climate summit in the Scottish city, which sets a voluntary target of 50% of light vehicle sales being electric and plug-in hybrid by 2030 and 100% by 2040—goals that are difficult to achieve under current conditions.
A prototype of the Taruk electric bus (meaning “roadrunner” in the Yaqui language), designed by the Mexican government and private companies for urban environments in this Latin American country. Credit: Dina
For independent consultant Víctor Alvarado, the intersection of mobility and electricity generation, dominated by fossil fuels in Mexico, must be considered.
“What’s announced but not fully realized is electromobility, and what’s happening is the electrification of heavy and light transportation. Given the composition of the energy matrix, transportation will continue to generate emissions if we don’t commit to electric vehicles,” he told IPS.
The new bus and car ventures will face an increasingly competitive domestic market dominated by U.S., European, and Chinese brands, which have reported significant expansion since 2023.
In recent years, sales of electric and hybrid vehicles, which run on gasoline and electric batteries, have grown in this country of 129 million people, where over 58 million vehicles, mostly cars, are in circulation.
In 2024, EV sales increased by 71%, from 14,172 units in 2023 to 24,283 the following year. The hybrid segment saw the most growth, with sales jumping from 60,146 to 100,020 between the two years, a 66% increase.
The same trend was seen in passenger vehicles, where fossil fuel-powered units, mainly diesel, still dominate. Hybrid model sales surged from just two in 2023 to 670 last year, while electric vehicle sales grew by 16%, from 252 to 294.
However, electric vehicle projects are happening in a legal vacuum. The national strategy, which outlined specific actions and goals, was ready in 2023 but has not been published. While the 2022 General Law on Mobility and Road Safety promotes sustainable transportation, it does not address electric mobility.
Initially, electric mobility in Mexico has the advantage of lithium deposits in rocks and clays, a key element for rechargeable batteries, especially in the northern state of Sonora.
However, environmentalists argue that these deposits are potentially unviable environmentally, economically, and technologically due to water consumption in extraction and high processing costs.
Sales of hybrid and electric vehicles have been growing in recent years in Mexico, though at a slower pace than needed to transition to low-emission transportation. Graph: Amia
Background
The cases of the Mexican private corporation Zacua and Bolivia’s Quantum Motors, whose partner in Mexico is Megaflux, are also illustrative.
The former, located in Puebla, has sold a few dozen units since 2019, with a cost per unit of around $25,000, practically the same as other foreign brands.
Meanwhile, Quantum has sold over 500 cars in Bolivia, El Salvador, Mexico, Paraguay, and Peru since 2019, with their models priced between US$ 6,000 and 8,000, a range similar to what is expected for Olinia’s vehicles.
Mexico has at least 39 automotive plants, including three EV assemblers. Of these, 22 manufacture vehicles and are located in central and northern Mexico, attracted by access to the U.S. market, the main export destination, under the free trade agreement shared with Canada.
Since 2018, Mexico City, with nearly nine million inhabitants and about 24 million in the metropolitan area, has made progress in electrifying public transportation, with units in the Metrobus system and bus routes.
Additionally, cities like Guadalajara, the capital of the western state of Jalisco, and Mérida, the capital of the southeastern state of Yucatán, have promoted similar projects.
The National Strategy for Industrialization and Shared Prosperity, also known as Plan Mexico and announced in January, includes 10 electromobility projects in public transportation across 10 states, with an undefined budget.
Experts consulted by IPS agreed on the importance of comprehensive regulation covering energy sources, infrastructure deployment, vehicle safety, and consumer rights.
For Jiménez, public-private partnerships with Mexican companies and a focus on public transportation are advisable.
“There needs to be significant production capacity to leverage technological advantages and drive industrial development. Electromobility is positioned as a potential solution to health problems, but we must think about public transportation to optimize time, modernize fleets, and reduce environmental impact,” he stated.
Pineda also agreed that delays in the process could result in high costs.
“There’s a lack of joint effort and government support for this transition. These are long-term transformations that require government commitment to provide certainty for investments and the entire supply chain, ensuring progress in electromobility. There needs to be an ecosystem that provides clarity on the direction, so projects don’t remain pilot initiatives,” he emphasized.
The former President of the United States Joe Biden addresses the 79th Session of General Assembly debate in September 2024. Credit: UN Photo/Laura Jarriel
By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 25 2025 (IPS)
On February 24, the human rights organization Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN) called on the International Criminal Court (ICC) to investigate former U.S. President Joe Biden, Secretary of State Antony Blinken, and Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin, among other U.S. government officials, for aiding and abetting Israeli war crimes that deliberately infringed on human rights in the Gaza Strip. This poses significant implications for the future of U.S. foreign policy and the role of impunity in world conflicts.
“There are solid grounds to investigate Joe Biden, Antony Blinken and Lloyd Austin for complicity in Israel’s crimes. The bombs dropped on Palestinian hospitals, schools and homes are American bombs, the campaign of murder and persecution has been carried out with American support. US officials have been aware of exactly what Israel is doing, and yet their support never stopped,” said Reed Brody, a human rights lawyer and DAWN board member.
This recent action marks the first time that a U.S. organization has submitted a referral for members of the U.S. government for alleged complicity in war crimes. According to DAWN’s communication to ICC Prosecutor Karim Khan on January 19, U.S. officials have contributed over 17.9 billion dollars in funding the transfer of weapons, intelligence, and the diplomatic protection of Israel, despite being aware of the possibility of Israel using these funds to facilitate abuse in Gaza.
“Not only did Biden, Blinken and Secretary Austin ignore and justify the overwhelming evidence of Israel’s grotesque and deliberate crimes, overruling their own staff recommendations to halt weapons transfers to Israel, they doubled down by providing Israel with unconditional military and political support to ensure it could carry out its atrocities. They provided Israel with not only essential military support but equally essential political support by vetoing multiple ceasefire resolutions at the UN Security Council to ensure Israel could continue its crimes,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Executive Director of DAWN.
Figures from the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) show that Israel has been the largest cumulative recipient of U.S. foreign aid since 1948, receiving approximately 310 billion dollars in funding, the majority of which has been allocated for Israel’s military. Prior to the eruption of the Israel-Hamas War in 2023, the U.S. has supplied Israel with roughly 3.9 billion in military assistance. This number has skyrocketed to 12.5 billion dollars in 2024. However, funding for Israel’s economic sector has gradually decreased since 2008, falling to 453.9 thousand dollars in 2024.
Additionally, the U.S. has provided diplomatic support for Israeli officials. According to a spokesperson for DAWN, the U.S. government vetoed seven United Nations (UN) Security Council resolutions that would have issued sanctions on Israeli conduct in the Gaza Strip. The U.S.’s public support of Israel has also generated worldwide sympathy for Israeli war crimes, including indiscriminate bombardment and blockages of essential humanitarian aid.
Leahy Law is a U.S. statutory provision on the Departments of State and Defense that prohibits the U.S. from supplying security assistance to nations that are likely to commit serious war crimes. Despite this, Israel has never been denied funding. “What the (U.S.) state department is asking the world to believe is that no Israeli unit has ever committed a gross violation of human rights. This flies in the face of mountains of human rights reports and journalistic investigations. It flies in the face of the state department’s own human rights reports,” said Whitson in December 2024.
DAWN’s call for an ICC investigation comes after President Donald Trump’s signing of an executive order that would prosecute ICC officials for investigating Israel’s actions in Gaza. Though the U.S. is not a member of the ICC, Palestine falls under ICC jurisdiction and perpetrators can be prosecuted regardless of nationality.
DAWN is claiming that this order constitutes obstruction of justice under Article 70 of the Rome Statute and could entail Trump being held criminally accountable. Trump’s proposed plans to evacuate the Gaza Strip and forcibly displace 2.2 million Palestinians could also cause Trump to be charged with orchestrating war crimes and crimes of aggression under Article 8 of the Rome Salute.
“Trump isn’t just obstructing justice; he’s trying to burn down the courthouse to prevent anyone from holding Israeli criminals accountable. His plan to forcibly displace all Palestinians from Gaza should also merit ICC investigation—not just for aiding and abetting Israeli crimes but for ordering forcible transfer, a crime against humanity under the Rome Statute,” said Raed Jarrar, DAWN’s advocacy director.
The measures to investigate high ranking U.S. officials has been described as “historical” by DAWN and sets a new precedent surrounding accountability and U.S. foreign policy. Whitson told an IPS correspondent that “government officials at all levels around the world should be on notice that they too can be prosecuted by the court for aiding and abetting odious crimes. No one should be above the law, least of all officials from the powerful governments of the world who think they can get away with anything”.
Whitson adds that DAWN’s call for an investigation has significant implications for the ICC. If the ICC fails to ensure accountability for war crimes in Gaza, it stands to lose legitimacy and trust from the international community. Additionally, an end to impunity for U.S. crimes can prevent further suffering in Gaza and discourage other world leaders, particularly Trump, from committing violations.
“While our referral to the ICC focuses on President Biden and his top officials, we hope that the Trump administration sees this as a wake-up call that they, too, may face individual criminal liability for their role in aiding and abetting Israel’s crimes in Gaza. The pursuit of justice does not end with one administration—any U.S. official who has contributed to these atrocities must be held accountable under international law,” said Jarrar.
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A new era of crisis for children, as global conflicts intensify and inequality worsens. Credit: UNICEF/Diego Ibarra Sánchez
A five-year-old walks amongst the ruins of houses in southern Lebanon. An increasingly turbulent geopolitical and financial landscape mean systems for protecting children must be stronger than ever.
By Jasmina Byrne
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 25 2025 (IPS)
In 2025, the world is facing a new and intensifying era of crisis for children. Climate change, economic instability, and conflict are hitting harder and more often, intersecting in ways that make the challenges of addressing them even more severe.
These developments reflect a world of rising geopolitical tensions and competition among nations that is delaying global action we desperately need.
For children, the stakes couldn’t be higher. To uphold children’s rights and well-being, we need to rethink how to strengthen the very systems that provide key services for children. These systems must be equipped to meet immediate needs, withstand growing pressures, and adapt to the uncertainties of the future.
Resilience has to be built into every part of these systems, ensuring they can protect children at scale, no matter the crisis.
When it comes to geopolitics, conflicts and war will continue to be among the most serious threat to children’s lives and wellbeing. Over 473 million children – more than one in six globally – now live in areas affected by conflict, with the world experiencing the highest number of conflicts since World War II.
In these settings, systems for protecting children must be stronger than ever. Clear rules of engagement for military forces, measures to address violations by non-state actors, and effective monitoring and reporting systems are all crucial to safeguarding children’s lives and rights in conflict zones.
Squeezed from all sides
The economic landscape is no less alarming. Right now, governments’ coffers are being hit by a mix of weak tax revenues, declining aid and rising debt. Rising debt, in particular, is creating unprecedented budget pressures. Nearly 400 million children live in countries facing debt distress, where the financial squeeze is cutting into investments in education, healthcare, and safety nets.
In 2025, we face crucial decisions about reforms to the framework of institutions, policies, rules and practices that govern the global financial system – decisions that could reshape the financial landscape to prioritize sustainable development, intergenerational equity and investment in children.
Climate change, of course, is a crisis that touches every aspect of children’s lives. From extreme weather destroying schools to diseases spreading in its wake, children are disproportionately affected.
In 2025, we must focus on ensuring that climate governance and accountability mechanisms work for children – from incorporation of child rights into national mitigation and adaptation policies to providing necessary finance to implement these plans. Strengthening legally backed climate reporting and monitoring are key to effective climate action for children.
Securing the digital future
When it comes to technological trends, we see clear benefits but also potential risks for children – a reality of the past several years that will continue in 2025. Rapid adoption of digital public infrastructure is one of the trends that can enable systemic changes and fundamentally shift how governments engage with citizens.
But what is digital public infrastructure (DPI)? Sometimes compared to physical infrastructure, digital infrastructure can allow citizens to access digital public services and take part in digital economy through use of digital IDs, data sharing and digital payment systems.
DPI can play a crucial role in advancing children’s well-being by ensuring equitable access to essential services such as education, health care and social protection.
However, DPI it is not inherently inclusive, and too often children in lower income settings are left behind. So, we must prioritize children’s rights and enable seamless, safe and secure data exchange between health, education, and social services to create a holistic support system for child development.
In 2025 and beyond, progress for children demands stronger alignment between global and national priorities. Strengthening national systems and ensuring they are aligned vertically (from global to local) and nationally (across sectors) is critical to achieving our shared goals in health, education, safety, poverty eradication and climate adaptation.
Getting it right creates a foundation of resilience. After all, children and young people are looking to us to ensure their futures today.
Jasmina Byrne is Chief, Foresight & Policy, UNICEF Innocenti – Global Office of Research and Foresight.
Source: UNICEF
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By Jomo Kwame Sundaram
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Feb 25 2025 (IPS)
Donald Trump’s Make America Great Again (MAGA) appeal captured US mass discontent against globalisation. In recent decades, variations of America First have reflected growing ethnonationalism in the world’s presumptive hegemon.
Jomo Kwame Sundaram
Deglobalisation?With deindustrialisation in the North blamed on globalisation, their governments gradually abandoned trade liberalisation, especially after the 2008 global financial crisis.
Free trade mahaguru Jagdish Bhagwati has long complained of the weak commitment to multilateral trade liberalisation. Most recent supposed free trade agreements (FTAs) have been plurilateral or bilateral, undermining multilateralism while promoting non-trade measures.
The new geoeconomics and geopolitics have undermined the rules and norms supporting multilateralism. This has undermined confidence in the rules of the game, encouraging individualistic opportunism and subverting collective action.
Policymaking has become more problematic as it can no longer count on agreed-shared rules and norms, undermining sustained international cooperation. Biased and often inappropriate economic policies and institutions have only made things worse.
Successive Washington administrations’ unilateral changes in policies, rules and conventions have also undermined confidence in US-dominated international economic arrangements, including the Bretton Woods institutions.
Deliberate contraction
Although recent inflation has been mainly due to supply-side disruptions, Western central banks have imposed contractionary demand-side macroeconomic policies by raising interest rates and pursuing fiscal austerity.
US Federal Reserve interest rate hikes from early 2022 have been unnecessary and inappropriate. Squeezing consumption and investment demand with higher interest rates cannot and does not address supply-side disruptions and contractions.
After earlier ‘quantitative easing’ encouraged much more commercial borrowing, higher Western central bank interest rates were contractionary and regressive. Hence, much of world economic stagnation now is due to Western policies.
Developing countries have long known that international economic institutions and arrangements are biased against them. Believing they have no opportunity for wide-ranging reform, most authorities are resigned to only using available macroeconomic policy space.
Nevertheless, national authorities have become more willing to undertake previously unacceptable measures. For example, several conservative central banks deployed ‘monetary financing’ of government spending to cope with the pandemic, lending directly to government treasuries without market intermediation.
More recently, central banks in Japan, China, and some Southeast Asian countries refused to raise interest rates in concert with the West. Instead, they sought and found new policy space, helping to mitigate contractionary international economic pressures.
Nonetheless, many economists piously urged central banks worldwide to raise interest rates until mid-2024. Meanwhile, policy pressures for fiscal austerity continue, worsening conditions for billions.
Neoliberal?
To secure support for neoliberal reforms from the late 20th century, the Global North promised developing countries greater market access and export opportunities.
However, trade liberalisation has slowly reversed since the World Trade Organization (WTO) creation in 1995. Policy reversals have become more blatant since the 2008 global financial crisis with geopolitically driven sanctions and weaponisation of trade.
But ‘neoliberal’ globalisation was a misnomer, as there was little liberal about it beyond selective trade liberalisation. Instead, FTAs have mainly strengthened and extended property and contract rights, i.e., selectively interpreting and enforcing international law.
Trade liberalisation undermined earlier selective protectionism, which promoted food security and industrialisation in developing countries. Tariffs have also been crucial revenue sources, especially for the poorest countries.
Intellectual property
Strengthening the rule of law has rarely fostered liberal markets. Even 19th-century economic liberals recognise the inevitable wealth concentration due to selective and partial neoliberalism.
Property rights invariably strengthen monopoly privileges under various pretexts. Global North governments now believe control of technology is key to world dominance. The WTO’s trade-related intellectual property rights (TRIPS) have greatly strengthened IP enforcement.
With IP more lucrative, corporations have less incentive to share or transfer technology. With TRIPS enforced from 1995, technology transfer to developing countries has declined, further undermining development prospects.
The 2001 public health exception to TRIPS could not overcome IP obstacles to ensure affordable COVID-19 tests, protective equipment, vaccines and therapies during the COVID-19 pandemic, even triggering criticisms of ‘vaccine apartheid’.
Weaponising economics
The West has increasingly deployed economic sanctions, which are illegal without UN Security Council mandates. Meanwhile, access to trade, investment, finance and technology has become increasingly weaponised.
Foreign direct investment was supposed to sustain growth in developing countries. Intensifying Obama-initiated efforts to undermine China, then-President Trump and Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo urged ‘reshoring’, i.e., investing in investors’ own countries instead.
Initial attempts to invest in their own economies instead of China largely failed. However, later efforts to undermine China have been more successful, notably ‘friend-shoring’, which urges companies to invest in politically allied or friendly countries instead.
With more economic stagnation, geopolitical strategic considerations and weaponisation of economic policies, cooperation and institutions, fewer resources are available for growth, equity and sustainability. Thus, the new geopolitics has jeopardised prospects for sustainable development.
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Ibrahim Basheer, diving for mussels at Kovalam beach in Thiruvananthapuram. Credit: Bharath Thampi/IPS
By Bharath Thampi
THIRUVANANTHAPURAM, India, Feb 25 2025 (IPS)
Ibrahim Basheer plunges into the sea and disappears. He remains gone for a couple of minutes before resurfacing for a deep breath of air, repeating this for the next half an hour. When he finally climbs aboard his boat, the net sack around his neck is filled with mussels—his catch for that diving trip. He rests for a short while before diving into the sea again—needing one more such trip to fill the basket he has brought along.
An expert swimmer and a diver, Ibrahim has also been in the lifeguard service in Thiruvananthapuram for the last 17 years. Hailing from a fishing family, he started diving for mussels 28 years ago, when he was barely 18. But Ibrahim is also one of the hundreds of fishers in Thiruvananthapuram, the southernmost district of Kerala, who face the impending threat of losing their livelihood.
The Vizhinjam International Seaport Project, a joint venture by the Government of Kerala and the Adani Group, has been under the lens for the negative impact it’s causing on the marine habitats and ecosystems in the regions around the port. According to the mussel divers of these regions, there has been a significant downfall to the species’ habitat in the last decade or so.
The mussel size in fishing villages around Vizhinjam has reduced considerably. Credit: Bharath Thampi/IPS
Ibrahim Basheer has been diving for mussels for more than 28 years. Credit: Bharath Thampi /IPS
Ibrahim runs his fingers through the mussels in his basket: “Before (the port construction), we used to collect 2-4 baskets of large mussels in this same time. A day’s diving would easily earn us between Rs.3000 and Rs.5000 (between USD 30 and USD 58). Now, the mussels have become smaller. Their presence has plummeted. We barely make a third of what we used to in a day.”
Ibrahim says that the association of the mussel divers had reached an agreement not to pick the small mussels, allowing them to grow bigger naturally. But in the last few years, he says with dismay, the mussels in these regions don’t seem to be reaching their full size.
In 2023, a comprehensive study report, prepared by a team consisting of oceanographers, scientists, social scientists and other authoritative voices, was released by the renowned historian Ramachandra Guha. The report, titled ‘Our Beaches, Our Sea,’ speaks extensively of the potential loss of biodiversity in the regions in and around Vizhinjam due to the port project. The report lists 225 different species of Mollusca as part of the species biodiversity of Vizhinjam.
The report highlights the fact that fishers from more than 27 fishing villages in Thiruvananthapuram use the Vizhinjam fishing harbor, and any damage to the biodiversity of the region can seriously harm their livelihood.
Source: https://icsf.net/resources/our-beaches-our-sea-heritage-of-fishing-communities-usufruct-of-all-citizens/
Patrick Anthony, a fisher from the Valiyathura village, has been diving for mussels near the Valiyathura bridge for almost a decade now. The region around the bridge, which had a rich fish habitat all these years, has faced a drastic change in its ecosystem in recent years. The bridge, which had stood solid for nearly 70 years and symbolized the culture and history of Thiruvananthapuram’s fishing communities, had broken into two last year. The local communities, as well as scientific experts, have pinned the collapse of the bridge, as well as the loss of habitat around it, on the construction of the Vizhinjam port and the coastal erosion caused by it.
“I can barely collect around two baskets these days,” Patrick echoes Ibrahim’s sentiments. “While the rate for mussels has gone up in the market in the past few years, we fishers still sell it for the old rates. It has been a significant loss to our livelihood for some time now.”
Anil Kumar, a Deputy Director at the Fisheries Department of Kerala, attests to the fact that the construction of the port and the dredging activities related to it have certainly affected the habitat of mussels. He points out that adequate compensation had been given by the Vizhinjam International Seaport Limited (VISL)—a Government of Kerala undertaking incorporated to implement the Vizhinjam International Seaport Project—to the mussel divers in Thiruvananthapuram, who were directly impacted by the construction of the Vizhinjam port.
“We understand that in regions like Mulloor and Adimalathura, which lie close to the Vizhinjam port, the mussel ecosystem has been severely disturbed. It’s foreseeing the long-term impact of livelihood loss for the communities involved in mussel diving that we have provided compensation,” he adds.
According to Anil Kumar, the compensation package offered for fishers who relied on regular mussel fishing was Rs. 12.5 lakhs (about USD 14,400). This sum was offered to more than 50 fishers. Similarly, over 150 fishers who were seasonal mussel divers were offered a package of Rs. 2 lakhs (about USD 2,306). While the compensation was paid through VISL, the Fisheries Department conducted the survey to determine the eligibility of the fishers.
Source: Official website of VISL (https://vizhinjamport.in/)
But Anil Kumar rejects the claims of the fishers that the breeding and growth cycle of mussels in these regions has been affected due to the construction of the Vizhinjam port.
“No, there is no scientific proof behind that,” he says, adding, “Earlier, there was plenty of catch for these fishers. Now, since that has reduced, they have begun to catch the smaller/younger mussels, which in turn affects their normal growth. They may claim the opposite, but that’s the ground reality.”
Dr. Appukuttannair Biju Kumar, the head of the Dept. of Aquatic Biology and Fisheries at the University of Kerala, leans towards the narrative offered by the fishers, though. He grew up close to Mulloor, which was once a thriving center for the mussel ecosystem. The size of the mussels you get in this region has reduced considerably from what it was before the introduction of the port, he reckons.
“Mussels are filter feeders. When there is sedimentation and siltation, owing to dredging and other construction activities of the port, the feeding as well as the growth cycles of the mussel get adversely affected.” There have also been studies that prove the presence of poisonous plankton in the seawater in these regions, Biju Kumar notes.
These microscopic organisms, regionally termed Kadalkkara, are toxic algae that have thrived on the lack of oxygen in these waters. They not only impact the growth of mussels but also can cause adverse effects on the divers. Several mussel divers IPS spoke to had complained of itching and other skin infections they suffered while diving in the last 5 – 7 years. Biju Kumar does feel that there is a rationale behind their experience, citing the aforementioned phenomenon.
The port construction in the area has been blamed for affecting the size and availability of mussels. Credit: Bharath Thampi/IPS
As the port becomes operational in the future, the mussel ecosystem loss will only worsen, Biju Kumar suggests. Vizhinjam was once rich in biodiversity and clean water, with the mussel habitat playing a crucial role in the same. That is certainly a story of the past, he muses.
Ibrahim reaches back ashore at the lighthouse beach at Kovalam, where he often serves his duty as a lifeguard. As he places the basket on the beach, a couple of old women, who sell fish at the nearby market, come to inspect his catch. After a brief conversation, he seals the deal with one of the women for a price of Rs. 500 (about USD 5.77) for the whole of it. He turns towards me, shrugs, and says knowingly, “I told you I won’t get much for it. That’s the price of nearly two hours of work.”
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